« NHK新委員長―公共放送の責務を体して | トップページ | ソマリア沖海賊 迅速な海自派遣を目指せ »

2008年12月26日 (金)

佐藤首相発言―核をめぐる政治の責任

2008/12/26

--The Asahi Shimbun, Dec. 24(IHT/Asahi: December 26,2008)

EDITORIAL: Sato's nuclear request

佐藤首相発言―核をめぐる政治の責任

Former Prime Minister Eisaku Sato (1901-1975), who set Japan's three non-nuclear principles and was awarded the 1974 Nobel Peace Prize, was actually a tough negotiator who sought a U.S. nuclear attack against China in the event of an outbreak of war between Japan and China, according to Foreign Ministry documents that were declassified on Monday.

 首相として「非核三原則」を定め、ノーベル平和賞を受賞した佐藤栄作氏が、米国に対して有事の際に核兵器を使う保障を求めていた――外務省が公開した外交文書で、こんな意外な事実が明らかになった。 

A month before Sato became prime minister in November 1964, China jolted the world by conducting its first nuclear test while Tokyo was hosting that year's Summer Olympics. Japan's shock was profound.

 佐藤氏が首相に就任したのは1964年11月。その1カ月前、東京五輪のさなかに中国が初めての核実験をし、日本や世界に衝撃を与えていた。 

It was previously revealed that Sato hinted at Japan's readiness to arm itself with nuclear weapons when he met with U.S. Ambassador Edwin O. Reischauer immediately upon taking office. He said to the effect: "If the other side (China) has nuclear weapons, we should have them, too. That's common sense."

 首相就任直後、佐藤氏がライシャワー駐日米大使に「相手が核を持っているのなら、自分で核を持つのも常識だ」と、核保有を示唆したことはすでに明らかになっている。

But during his visit to the United States one month later in January 1965, Sato denied Japan's nuclear ambitions. "Japan is unequivocally opposed to the possession and use of nuclear weapons," he asserted, according to the newly declassified documents.

だが、その1カ月後の訪米で一転、「日本は核の保有、使用はあくまで反対」と、核武装の意図を明確に否定した。

"Should a war break out (between Japan and China), we expect the United States to immediately launch a retaliatory nuclear strike (against China)," he said.

In short, Sato sought protection under the U.S. nuclear umbrella, and Washington agreed to comply.

さらに「(日中が)戦争になれば、米国が直ちに核による報復を行うことを期待している」と、核の傘による抑止力を求め、米政府の了解を得ていたのだ。 

The public was not informed of any of this. The horrors of the atomic bombings on Hiroshima and Nagasaki were still fresh in the nation's collective memory at the time, and the government presumably decided the public was not yet ready to deal with this sort of thing.

 こうしたやりとりは、一切表に出されなかった。広島、長崎の被爆の記憶が生々しい国内世論に配慮し、刺激的すぎるとの判断からだろう。

But China's nuclear armament was a real threat, and the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) had yet to come into being. From the declassified documents, we can imagine how these circumstances must have compelled Sato to take upon himself the role of a tough diplomatic negotiator who would drive a hard bargain with Washington.

中国の核武装は現実的な脅威だった。核不拡散条約(NPT)もなかった。そんな中、佐藤氏が米国を相手にしたたかな外交を展開していた姿がうかがえる。 

More than four decades have since passed. How is Japan handling the nuke issue now?

 それから40年余り。日本は核とどう向き合っているだろうか。 

India and Pakistan have gone nuclear, and the NPT regime itself is now shaky at best. For the Japanese people, North Korea's nuclear test in 2006 was as terrifying as the 1964 Chinese test. The United Nations adopts nuclear disarmament resolutions every year at the Japanese government's initiative, but when the United States inked a nuclear accord with India that effectively acknowledges the latter as a nuclear power, Japan had no choice but to recognize this agreement.

 インド、パキスタンなどへ核兵器は拡散し、NPT体制は極めて厳しい状況に直面している。2006年の北朝鮮の核実験は中国の実験と同様、日本社会を揺さぶった。日本政府の主導で毎年、国連で核軍縮決議が採択されているが、米国はインドの核保有を事実上受け入れる原子力協定を結び、日本なども容認せざるを得なかった。 

On the other hand, former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and other prominent nuclear deterrence theorists called for "a world free of nuclear weapons" last year. This means nuclear proliferation has come to be recognized as a real threat to the world.

 その一方で、米国務長官を務めたキッシンジャー氏らかつての核抑止論者が昨年、「核兵器のない世界を」と提言した。核拡散の危うさが現実のものだと認識されてきたのだ。 

Yet, the Japanese people seem to be growing less concerned, not more. The six-party talks for ending North Korea's nuclear program are stalling over the verification issue, but Japan's approach to this situation is not as hot a subject of public interest as the abduction issue.

 それなのに、日本国内の関心はむしろ薄れていないか。北朝鮮の核放棄は検証の段階で足踏みしている。しかし、拉致問題に比べると、核放棄を迫る日本の対応についての議論はいまひとつ盛り上がらない。

On the contrary, even some politicians are now voicing arguments in favor of Japan's nuclear armament that are tenuous at best.

逆に、核保有論のような合理性に乏しい主張が政治家の間からさえ飛び出す。 

Three years after his U.S. trip, Sato announced his three non-nuclear principles in his speech before the Diet, having concluded that possessing nuclear weapons would neither contribute to the national security nor benefit the Japan-U.S. security alliance. He also took into account the fact that public opinion at the time was overwhelmingly anti-nuclear.

 佐藤氏は訪米から3年後、国会演説で「非核三原則」を打ち出す。核兵器を持つことが、日本の安全にも日米安保にも寄与しないという結論に達したためだ。国民の強い反核感情も背景にあった。 

Times have changed, and the world is more complex. Today, we need to debate and deal with the nuclear issue more objectively and realistically than in Sato's time.

 時代は移り、世界は複雑さを増した。当時以上に冷静で現実的な議論と対応が求められる。

It is foolish to discuss this issue on an emotional level. Sato's remarks in the declassified documents remind us of the responsibility of politicians.

情緒で核を語るのは愚かしいことだ。佐藤首相の発言に関する資料は、政治に課せられたそんな責任を思い起こさせてくれる。

|

« NHK新委員長―公共放送の責務を体して | トップページ | ソマリア沖海賊 迅速な海自派遣を目指せ »

04-英字新聞(朝日2)」カテゴリの記事

コメント

コメントを書く



(ウェブ上には掲載しません)




« NHK新委員長―公共放送の責務を体して | トップページ | ソマリア沖海賊 迅速な海自派遣を目指せ »