改正薬事法施行 ネット販売の秩序ある拡大を

The Yomiuri Shimbun(May. 31, 2009)
Consistency key to safe, deregulated drug sales
改正薬事法施行　ネット販売の秩序ある拡大を（5月31日付・読売社説）

The revised Pharmaceutical Affairs Law, which takes effect Monday, is contradictory in many ways as it includes both a relaxation and tightening of regulations.
　規制緩和と規制強化が入り交じり、矛盾が非常に多い。

With the revised law's enforcement, the sales channels of nonprescription drugs are set to change significantly.
　６月１日から施行される改正薬事法だ。医師の処方箋(せん)を必要としない大衆薬の販売ルールが大きく変わることになった。

Under the new system, nonprescription drugs are organized into one of three categories depending on the necessary degree of caution that should be exercised over their side effects.
　新制度では、副作用に注意が必要な度合いに応じ、大衆薬を３段階に分類する。

Category 1 drugs, which require a high degree of caution, cannot be sold unless pharmacists provide buyers with an explanation of the side effects and other information. However, Category 2 and Category 3 drugs, which are considered relatively safe, can be sold by registered sellers under a new qualification system.
　特別に注意が必要な薬は第１類として、薬剤師が副作用などの説明をした上でないと販売を認めない。だが、比較的安全な第２類と第３類については、新たに設ける「登録販売者」という資格を取れば販売を認める。

Most cold and gastrointestinal medicines are Category 2 drugs, while vitamins and some other drugs fall under Category 3. Most nonprescription drugs can therefore be sold at convenience stores and other retail outlets.
　風邪薬や胃腸薬のほとんどが第２類に、ビタミン剤などが第３類に位置付けられる。これにより、大衆薬の大半がコンビニなどでも買えるようになる。

This all makes the revised legislation sound like a positive step on the road to deregulation.
　ここまでは、妥当な規制緩和と言えるだろう。

===

Unnecessary tightening

The problem is that the new regulations were devised on the assumption that nonprescription drugs would be sold over the counter. As a result, an ordinance issued by the Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry states that only Category 3 drugs can be ordered by telephone or through the Internet for mail delivery, even if other categories are being sold by pharmacists.
　問題は、新たなルールが「対面販売」を大前提として作られたことだ。厚生労働省の省令で、電話やインターネットなどを使った通信販売は、薬剤師であっても第３類しか取り扱えなくなる。

This regulation affects makers of traditional medicines, which ship Chinese herbal medicines to customers in distant locations, as well as operators of online drug stores and customers of both types of businesses.
　その結果、昔からの漢方薬を遠方の客に送ってきた伝統薬メーカーや、いわゆるネット薬局、そしてこれらを利用してきた人が影響を受けることになった。

Such a tightening of the regulations is hard to accept.
これは納得し難い規制強化である。

The ministry argues that the potential risks of drugs can only be explained properly face to face.
　厚労省は、対面販売でないと薬のリスクを十分に説明できない、としている。

Of course safety should be the top priority with drug sales.
無論、薬を販売するにあたっては、まず安全性を最重視するのは当然だろう。

But it seems inconsistent that Category 2 drugs can still be purchased at convenience stores, where pharmacists are not present, when the risk posed by drugs being sold on the Internet, if sold by pharmacists in a responsible manner, likely would be very limited.
　しかし第１類はともかく、第２類は今後、薬剤師のいないコンビニでも買える薬だ。インターネットであっても、薬剤師が責任を持って販売するのなら、リスクはむしろ少ないのではないか。

===

Hasty stopgap measure

Bearing in mind the impact of the regulations on users of traditional medicines and online drug stores, the ministry has hastily decided to implement a stopgap measure that will be in place for two years.
　厚労省は伝統薬やネット薬局の利用者に配慮し、急きょ２年間の暫定措置を設けることにした。

Under this move, people who have purchased drugs through mail order services will be able to continue using such services if they are buying the same type of drug and it falls into Category 2.
Those living on remote islands without access to a drug store, meanwhile, also will be allowed to obtain Category 2 drugs through mail order services.
　これまで通販を利用していた人が同じ薬を購入する場合と、薬局のない離島に住む人には、通販による売買を第２類まで認めるという。

But these moves pose problems.
これにも首をかしげる。

The ministry says it will confirm whether such services are only being used by categories of users mentioned above, to ensure there is no chipping away at the new regulations. But if it can check whether these users are legitimate, surely it would be possible to monitor all online sales.
　規制がなし崩しとならないように、ネット販売などが継続購入者と離島在住者に限定されることをチェックする、という。それができるのなら、ネット販売全体を監視することも可能だろう。

Nonprescription drugs could be sold safely and conveniently through the Internet and other channels if a system could be found that bars illegitimate sellers and malicious businesses.
　無資格者や悪質な業者を排除する仕組みを作れば、インターネットなどの利便性を生かしつつ、安全に大衆薬を販売できるのではないか。

Orderly deregulation should therefore be encouraged.
秩序ある規制緩和を進めるべきだ。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 31, 2009)
（2009年5月31日01時28分  読売新聞）

原爆症訴訟―政府は全員救済を急げ

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 29(IHT/Asahi: May 30,2009)
EDITORIAL: A-bomb disease ruling
原爆症訴訟―政府は全員救済を急げ

To this day, the government has refused to acknowledge that it is wrong despite a succession of court rulings against its policy concerning official recognition of atomic bomb-related diseases. Is this an appropriate way for the government of a country ruled by law to respond to group lawsuits filed by people still suffering from the effects of the World War II bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki?
　裁判で負け続けながら責任を認めない。法治国家の政府として、これでいいのだろうか。原爆症の認定をめぐる集団訴訟への対応である。

The Tokyo High Court's ruling Thursday marked the 18th consecutive defeat for the government in legal battles over the issue. But Prime Minister Taro Aso, speaking in a session of the Upper House Budget Committee, only said, "We will consider our response, taking the series of judicial decisions into account."
　昨日の東京高裁判決で、政府は「１８連敗」となった。だが、麻生首相は参議院予算委員会で「一連の司法判断を踏まえ、対応を検討させていただきたい」と述べるにとどまった。

Of the 306 plaintiffs, 68 have already died. The government should accept these court judgments and end the legal battles quickly by offering relief to all plaintiffs.
　原告３０６人のうち、６８人がすでに亡くなっている。政府は一連の判決を受け入れ、全員救済をはかって訴訟をいち早く終結させるべきだ。

Under the system for state certification of illnesses caused by the nuclear bombings, survivors, or hibakusha, who have been recognized as suffering from cancer or other specified diseases because of exposure to atomic bomb radiation are entitled to medical treatment at public expense and a monthly health allowance of 137,000 yen.
　広島、長崎に投下された原爆の放射線が原因で、がんなどになったと認められれば、医療費のほか、治療中は月額約１３万７千円が支給される。それが原爆症の認定制度だ。

The Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare decides whether a specific hibakusha should be recognized as an atomic bomb disease sufferer on the basis of opinions of an expert subcommittee of the ministry's certification panel.
　認定にあたっては、専門家による認定審査会の医療分科会の意見をもとに、厚生労働相が可否を決める。

Starting in spring 2003, groups of hibakusha whose applications for such recognition were rejected have filed lawsuits with 17 district courts around the country, seeking revocation of the decisions.
申請を却下された被爆者たちが処分の取り消しを求めて、０３年春から全国１７地裁に集団訴訟を起こした。

The certification standard at that time involved estimating the amount of radiation exposure by using such data as the distance between a survivor and ground zero and then calculating the probability that the survivor had developed the disease because of the exposure.
　当時の認定基準では、爆心地からの距離をもとに被曝（ひばく）放射線量を推定し、病気が起きる確率を出した。

In April last year, the health ministry changed this formula, which had been criticized by the courts as "too mechanical."
一連の判決で「機械的すぎる」と批判され、厚労省は昨年４月に基準を改めた。

But the new criteria cannot be described as based on an accurate understanding of the reality of the health damage suffered by hibakusha. The criteria effectively limit the scope of certification to five diseases, including cancer and leukemia.
　だが、新しい認定基準も、被爆による健康被害の実態を的確にとらえたものとは言い難い。認定の対象を事実上、がんや白血病など特定の五つの病気に限っているからだ。

Even after the new criteria were adopted in spring last year, court after court has recognized survivors with illnesses other than the five designated ones as atomic bomb disease sufferers. The plaintiffs demanded a further review of the criteria, but the government only promised to address the issue after the Tokyo High Court handed down its ruling.
　新基準になった昨春以降も、特定の５疾病以外の病気で原爆症と認める判決が相次いだ。原告らは再び基準の見直しを求めたが、政府は東京高裁の判決を待って検討するとしていた。

The high court also acknowledged applicants rejected under the new criteria as sufferers of diseases caused by the nuclear attacks and declared the criteria inappropriate. The high court also said the government should consider liver disorders and deteriorating thyroid gland functions as illnesses that may have been caused by exposure to radiation from the atomic bombs. The plaintiffs demanded that these two illnesses be added to the list of diseases designated for the recognition system.
　東京高裁判決も新基準ではじかれた人を原爆症と認めたうえ、新基準を「原爆症認定の判断基準として適格性を欠く」と断じた。原告らが認定対象への追加を求めていた肝機能障害と甲状腺機能低下症の２疾病についても「原爆放射線と関連性があるとして審査にあたるべきだ」と指摘した。

The government should now start reviewing the criteria as the court has ordered.
　政府はその言葉通り、認定基準の見直しに着手しなければならない。

Even if these two illnesses are added to the list, many atomic bomb survivors will still fail to be certified.
　ただ２疾病を追加しても、認定の対象からこぼれ落ちる被爆者は少なくない。

They can seek certification based on a comprehensive assessment of their individual circumstances and conditions. But the subcommittee of the health ministry's certification panel includes many members who still support the old "mechanical" formula.
個別に審査して総合的に判断する方法があるが、担当する医療分科会には「機械的」とされた従前の評価方法にこだわる委員の多くが残っている。

The health minister should replace half of the subcommittee members, as demanded by atomic bomb survivors' groups, and hasten the process of dealing with the certification applications from 7,800 survivors.
厚労相は、被爆者団体が求めるように半数の委員を入れ替え、審査を待つ７８００人の認定作業を急ぐべきだ。

The atomic bomb survivors' support law points out that many victims of the nuclear bombings continue to suffer incurable damage and live in constant anxiety.
　被爆者には生涯いやすことのできない傷跡を残し、不安のなかでの生活をもたらした。

The law requires the government to take comprehensive measures to support the victims because damage caused by radiation from the atomic bombs is a special public health problem.
原爆の放射線による健康被害は特殊なものであり、国の責任において総合的な援護対策を講じる。

The government should take all possible relief measures for the victims in line with the spirit of the law.
　そう宣言した被爆者援護法の精神に立ち返り、政府には救済のための手立てを尽くしてもらいたい。

厚労省分割―またしても政権の迷走

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 29(IHT/Asahi: May 30,2009)
EDITORIAL: Welfare ministry split
厚労省分割―またしても政権の迷走

A proposal by the Aso administration to divide and reorganize the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare has taken a dark turn.
　麻生政権が次の総選挙の目玉にと意気込んでいた厚生労働省の「分割・再編」の雲行きが怪しくなってきた。

The idea, first raised by Tsuneo Watanabe, chairman of The Yomiuri Shimbun Holdings, was intended to be a draw card for the next Lower House election, which must be called by September.
Watanabe made the proposal at a meeting of Anshin Shakai Jitsugen Kaigi, a government panel set up by the prime minister to carve out a vision for creating a society which can assure people's livelihood.
　発端は、首相が将来の国家ビジョンを話し合うためにと作った安心社会実現会議で、渡辺恒雄・読売新聞グループ会長が分割論を提唱したことだった。

In response, last week, the prime minister instructed the government to study the idea. He even went so far as to present his own thoughts on the matter, suggesting that the ministry be split into two entities. One would be a social security ministry to deal with pensions, medicine and nursing and the other would be a national life ministry that handles employment affairs and measures to fight the declining birthrate.
これを受けて首相は先週、年金と医療、介護を担う社会保障省と雇用、少子化を担当する国民生活省の二つに分ける持論まで披露して、政府内での検討を指示した。

Aso apparently wanted to show his willingness to promote reform by putting a knife to the ministry, which invoked public wrath and distrust over its sloppy management of pension records and its reform of the medical system for people aged 75 and older.
　年金記録の問題や後期高齢者医療制度などをめぐって、国民の怒りや不信をかった厚労省にメスを入れ、改革姿勢をアピールしようという思惑もあったろう。

However, when the various ministers concerned met to discuss the idea, one after another they called for caution. Some members of the ruling coalition criticized the move as premature. Initial plans to come up with a preliminary draft before the end of the week have been upset and it has even become uncertain whether a full-fledged proposal is still in the offing.
　しかし、関係閣僚の話し合いでは慎重論が続出し、与党内からも「拙速だ」という批判が噴き出した。週内にもまとめるとしていた素案づくりのめどは吹き飛んでしまい、そもそも案をつくれるのかどうかさえ分からなくなってきた。

On Thursday night, the prime minister told reporters that he only gave instructions to "examine the way (the organization ought to be) based on the standpoint of security and safety of the people." On the proposed division, he also flatly said, "I don't plan to stick to it at all."
　いいだしっぺの首相は昨夜、記者団に「国民の安心安全の側に立って、（組織のあり方を）一回精査したらどうか」と指示しただけだと述べ、分割についても「全然こだわらない」とあっさり語った。

The ministry is currently confronted by a raft of problems. They include public anxiety over pensions and employment and the outbreak of a new strain of swine flu. They are all problems that directly affect the everyday life of citizens. We wonder if the ministry can properly deal with them under its current setup.
　年金や雇用不安、新型インフルエンザなど、厚労省には次々と課題が押し寄せている。どれも国民生活に直結する問題ばかりだ。果たして今の役所の態勢できちんと対応できるのだろうか。この問題意識は正しい。

It is a matter of course to swiftly and flexibly re-examine administrative organizations to meet changing times.
　時代の変化に応じて機敏に、柔軟に行政組織を見直すというのは、あって当然のことである。

As far as the administration of health and labor issues is concerned, a panel of intellectuals formed under the Cabinet of Yasuo Fukuda pointed out in March that even though problems to be dealt by the health and labor ministry are growing year by year, it does not have enough personnel and budget commensurate with its responsibilities.
　実際、厚労行政をめぐっては今年３月、福田前内閣の時にできた有識者懇談会が、厚労省の取り組む課題が年々増えているのにそれに見合った人員や予算配分がされていないといった問題点を指摘していた。

Be that as it may, it is too simplistic to say the ministry should be broken up so that it can overcome those problems. The way the argument abruptly took off was haphazard. A proposal to attach the soon-to-be-inaugurated consumer affairs agency to a national life ministry was made even before legislation to establish the agency passed.
　しかし、「だから分割を」という論議がいきなり走り出した今回の進め方は、あまりに短絡的、場当たり的だった。新しくできる消費者庁を国民生活省にくっつけたらどうかという話が、まだ消費者庁設置法案が成立しないのに飛び出すありさまだ。

The problem does not only concern the health and labor ministry. The Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology oversees medical education while public hospitals fall under the jurisdictions of both the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications and local governments.
　話は厚労省だけの問題にとどまるまい。たとえば医療であれば、医学教育は文部科学省の担当だし、公立病院は総務省や地方自治体の所管にもまたがっている。

These functions should be reorganized and incorporated into a system that will enable smooth and efficient administration. 　これらを再編し、行政がスムーズに無駄なく動くような体制を整えてもらいたいとは思う。

A Lower House election will be held within the next few months. Under the circumstances, it is questionable whether a reasonable conclusion can be reached by advancing a makeshift argument.
だが、数カ月以内に確実に総選挙があるというこの時期に泥縄式の議論を進めて、まともな結論が生まれるのだろうか。疑問である。

What the public wants is for government offices to properly do their jobs regardless of how they are organized. This point should not be overlooked.
　国民が望むのは、役所の姿はどうあれ、しっかり仕事をしてもらうことだ。そこを見誤らないでほしい。

補正予算成立 危機対応に必要な与野党協調

The Yomiuri Shimbun(May. 30, 2009)
Compromise required to overcome crisis
補正予算成立　危機対応に必要な与野党協調（5月30日付・読売社説）

Swiftly implementing stimulus measures is the key to getting the country out of its worst economic crisis in the postwar era. The government should place top priority on bringing forward the enforcement of the supplementary budget, which is linked to the initial budget for the current fiscal year.
　戦後最悪の経済危機を脱するには、景気対策の迅速な実施が何よりも重要だ。政府は、当初予算とも連動した補正予算の前倒し執行に最優先で取り組むべきである。

The fiscal 2009 supplementary budget, which is worth the largest-ever amount of 13.93 trillion yen, cleared the Diet on Friday. Together with the initial budget, the total budget topped 100 trillion yen for the first time.
　過去最大の総額１３兆９２５６億円を計上した今年度補正予算が成立した。当初予算と合計すると、初めて１００兆円を超す。

The country's gross domestic product plunged an annualized 15.2 percent in the January-March period, marking a record contraction for two consecutive quarters. Although some economic indicators appear to be bottoming out, it is still too early to be optimistic.
　１～３月期の国内総生産（ＧＤＰ）の実質成長率は年率換算で前期比１５・２％減と、２期連続で戦後最悪を記録した。一部の経済指標は底打ちの動きを見せているものの、楽観は禁物だ。

What is important now is to implement policies incorporated in the extra budget, including those concerning finance, employment, public works projects, agriculture and child-support programs, as quickly as possible to ensure seamless economic management.
　金融、雇用、公共事業、農業、子育て支援など、補正予算に幅広く盛り込まれた政策を極力早期に実施し、切れ目のない経済運営に努めることが大切だろう。

===

DPJ's flexible stance laudable

The extra budget was submitted to the Diet on April 27 and passed the House of Representatives on May 13. A focus of attention was how the Democratic Party of Japan, led by Yukio Hatoyama, which says it will uphold former President Ichiro Ozawa's policy line, would deal with it during deliberations in the opposition-controlled House of Councillors.
　補正予算は４月２７日に国会に提出され、５月１３日に衆院を通過した。野党が多数を占める参院での審議で、「小沢路線の継承」を掲げる鳩山民主党がどんな対応をするかが、注目された。

The main opposition party criticized the contents of the extra budget as pork-barrel spending, but did not resort to using tactics to unnecessarily prolong deliberations on it. Amid the global recession, the DPJ apparently judged that delaying the implementation of the economic stimulus package would not gain public understanding. This was encouraging.
　民主党は、予算の内容を「ばらまきだ」などと批判したが、いたずらに審議を引き延ばす戦術はとらなかった。世界同時不況の下、経済対策の実施を遅らせては世論の理解を得られない、と判断したのだろう。良い兆候だ。

The ruling parties and the DPJ largely agreed on four bills related to the extra budget after discussing revisions to them. The DPJ deserves praise for its constructive response.
　補正予算関連４法案について、与党と民主党が修正協議を行い、大筋で合意したことも、建設的な対応と評価できる。

The four bills likely will be supported by the DPJ and are expected to pass the lower house next week.
４法案は来週中には、民主党も賛成して、衆院を通過する見通しだ。

The Liberal Democratic Party and the DPJ also agreed Wednesday to include an additional clause in a bill to revise the Development Bank of Japan law that would delay a planned full privatization of the state-backed bank by 3-1/2 years as part of measures to facilitate corporate fund-raising. The additional clause was inserted in consideration of the DPJ, which opposes the DBJ's full privatization.
　企業の資金繰り対策として、日本政策投資銀行の完全民営化を３年半先送りする政投銀法改正案では、政投銀の完全民営化に反対する民主党の主張に配慮した規定を付則に入れることで合意した。

Bills to create a consumer affairs agency, which were revised jointly by the ruling and opposition parties, became law Friday with a unanimous vote at a plenary session of the upper house.
　与野党が共同修正した消費者庁設置関連法も２９日の参院本会議で全会一致で可決、成立した。

===

Divided Diet paralyzes politics

Under the "divided Diet" that emerged after the 2007 upper house election, with the opposition parties enjoying a majority in the upper house, the ruling and opposition parties have often engaged in fruitless confrontation, thus wasting time. Malfunctioning politics damages the interests of people of this country.
　一昨年以来の衆参ねじれ国会では、与野党が不毛な対立を続け、時間を浪費する場面が目立った。政治の機能不全によって被害を受けるのは国民である。

To respond effectively to the crisis, the ruling and opposition parties need to adopt a flexible approach in Diet affairs in which they coordinate their policies when necessary to actively seek points of compromise.
　危機に的確に対応するには、与野党が協調すべきところでは協調し、妥協点を積極的に探る、という柔軟な国会対応が必要だ。

In the current Diet session, important bills, including an antipiracy bill and a bill to revise the National Pension Law, will be deliberated at the upper house.
　今国会では、海賊対処法案や国民年金法改正案など重要法案の参院審議が残されている。

The government and ruling parties plan to extend the session for a long period to ensure the passage of those bills. Even if it intends to oppose the bills, the DPJ should maintain its stance of accepting Diet voting after deliberations have been held for a certain period.
　政府・与党は、これらの成立を期すため、長期の会期延長を図る方針だ。民主党は、法案に反対するにしても、一定の審議をしたら採決に応じる、という対応を続けるべきだろう。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 30, 2009)
（2009年5月30日01時37分  読売新聞）

社説：党首討論 毎週開いたらどうか

(Mainichi Japan) May 28, 2009
LDP, DPJ leaders should have weekly debates
社説：党首討論　毎週開いたらどうか

Wednesday's debate between Prime Minister Taro Aso, who heads the Liberal Democratic Party, and Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) leader Yukio Hatoyama apparently disappointed a large number of voters. Hatoyama had drawn more attention from the public than Aso as it was the first time since he assumed the post that he had held a debate with the prime minister. However, it was regrettable that the debate did not sufficiently focus on specific issues.
　拍子抜けした人は多いだろう。もちろん、麻生太郎首相と鳩山由紀夫民主党代表による２７日の党首討論である。とりわけ注目されたのは新代表に就任した鳩山氏だ。しかし、「国民目線か、上から目線か」といったキャッチフレーズは踊ったものの論戦のポイントを絞りきれず散漫になったのは残念だ。

After touching upon North Korea's recent nuclear test at the beginning of the debate, Hatoyama spent much time explaining his slogan, "fraternalism." Hatoyama said, "I want to create a society in which people can feel others' happiness as their own happiness," only to be rebuffed by Aso as being too vague. "The important thing is not ideals or abstract argument, but realistic discussions," Aso countered.
　冒頭、北朝鮮の核実験に触れた後、鳩山氏が時間を費やしたのは、自ら掲げる「友愛」の説明だった。鳩山氏は「人の幸せを自分の幸せと思える社会を作りたい」などと言葉を重ねたが、麻生首相からは「問題は理念、抽象論ではなく現実論だ」と切り返されるだけだった。

The opposition leader then cited an example of a community school in which volunteers in the neighborhood play an important role in classes at the local elementary school, but it was not specific enough.
　そこで地域のボランティアが協力して小学校の授業を進めるコミュニティースクールの事例を紹介したものの、今度は説明不足だった。

Hatoyama apparently attempted to talk about a wide diversity of topics but failed to hold in-depth discussions on each issue. Hatoyama has criticized the Aso administration as being a bureaucrat-dominated administration. If so, he should have focused on the details of the 14 trillion yen fiscal 2009 supplementary budget -- such as a 11.7 billion yen project to build an art facility that displays works including anime and manga, which he sarcastically called an "Anime Hall of Fame" -- as well as the details of retired bureaucrats' practices of landing lucrative jobs in businesses they once supervised.
　結局、多くのテーマを詰め込もうとして、いずれも消化不良に終わった印象がある。鳩山氏が麻生政権を「官主導」と批判するなら、鳩山氏自ら「アニメの殿堂」と皮肉った「国立メディア芸術総合センター」建設など、討論の後半で触れた約１４兆円の０９年度補正予算案の具体的な中身や官僚の天下りの実態に、まず的を絞って切り込むべきだった。

Prime Minister Aso repeatedly brought up the indictment of a state-paid secretary to Hatoyama's predecessor, Ichiro Ozawa, over a political donation scandal, apparently believing that it was the DPJ's sore point.
　対する麻生首相は、これが最大の攻め口と考えたのだろう。再三、言及したのは小沢一郎・民主党代表代行の政治資金問題だった。

Aso did not say whether he will support the DPJ's decision to submit to the Diet a bill that would ban corporate political donations within three years, and said, "The problem is that the current law hasn't been observed. The proposal on a ban on corporate donations is an attempt to sidestep the issue." The prime minister also pointed out that Ozawa has failed to fulfill his accountability for the scandal.
　民主党が企業・団体による献金とパーティー券購入を３年後に廃止する法案を今国会に提出する方針を決めた点に対しても、首相は賛否は明確にせず、小沢氏の公設第１秘書が逮捕・起訴された点を指摘。「今の法律も守られていないのが問題。献金廃止は論理のすり替えだ」と反論し、小沢氏が説明責任を果たしていないとも強調した。

Hatoyama countered by criticizing law enforcers for failing to investigate an LDP legislator allegedly involved in a similar scandal.
He was fully aware that Aso would bring up the scandal involving Ozawa's aide, but Hatoyama's remarks demonstrated that the party has failed to coordinate views among its members over how to respond to the case.
　鳩山氏も自民党議員に捜査が及んでいない点など捜査当局批判を口にしたが、首相が小沢氏の問題を取り上げるのは承知していたはずだ。この問題にどう対応するか、党としてきちんと整理されていない姿も露呈することとなった。

As the next House of Representatives election draws near, debates between the two major party leaders provide voters with opportunities to judge whether the LDP should remain in government or the DPJ should take over the reins of government, and who is more suited to serve as prime minister -- Aso or Hatoyama. Moreover, their discussions will clarify important policy issues during the election campaign. As Aso said in the debate, the two leaders should have bold discussions on defense and social security issues. It is hoped that Hatoyama will express his clear opinions on these issues in the next debate.
　次期衆院選が近づく中、党首討論は、自民、民主のどちらが政権を担当すべきか、麻生首相と鳩山氏のどちらが首相にふさわしいか、有権者の判断材料となる。党首同士の議論を通じ、衆院選の争点も明確になるはずだ。麻生首相がこの日語った通り、安全保障や社会保障のあり方など、この国の将来について骨太の議論も聞きたいところだ。鳩山氏の次回の討論に期待することとしたい。

The two leaders are urged to hold a policy debate every week until the prime minister dissolves the House of Representatives for a snap general election. If the debate is not long enough to have in-depth discussion, it should be extended.
　この際、衆院解散・総選挙まで党首討論は毎週開いたらどうか。時間不足で消化不良になるというのなら時間を延長してもかまわない。

毎日新聞　2009年5月28日　東京朝刊

党首討論―論点を絞って毎週でも

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 28(IHT/Asahi: May 29,2009)
EDITORIAL: Aso-Hatoyama debate
党首討論―論点を絞って毎週でも

Prime Minister Taro Aso and new Minshuto (Democratic Party of Japan) President Yukio Hatoyama took part in their first one-on-one debate.
　麻生首相と、民主党の鳩山新代表が初めての党首討論に臨んだ。

It was the first time for the two candidates for "next prime minister" to go head-to-head in trying to demonstrate their competence as party leaders for the next Lower House election that must be held by September.
　間近に迫った総選挙で党首力を競う「次の首相」候補同士の初顔合わせである。

When Minshuto was headed by Ichiro Ozawa, one-on-one debates were rarely held. We welcome the fact that a debate was promptly organized with the Minshuto leadership change.
民主党の代表が小沢一郎氏だったころにはめったに行われなかったが、代表交代を機にすんなり実現した。大いに歓迎したい。

At the start, Hatoyama put great emphasis on advocating his political philosophy of "building a society of friendship and love."
　冒頭、鳩山氏が力を入れたのは「友愛社会の建設」という自らの政治理念を説くことだった。

"As opposed to the government of the Liberal Democratic Party and New Komeito, which leaves everything up to bureaucrats, we base our starting point on citizens," Hatoyama said. "Instead of centralization, we will give local governments more power. We want to create a horizontally structured society that attaches importance to citizens, instead of the hierarchical one centering on industries."
「官僚任せの自公政権に対して、私たちは生活者に起点を置く。中央主権でなく地域主権、業界中心のタテ社会でなく、市民を大事にするヨコ社会をつくりたい」

The term yuai (friendship and love) that Hatoyama frequently cites had a nonsensical and outdated image. But he explained the idea in simple language and stressed that building a society rooted in ties among the people is needed now more than ever when widening income gaps and poverty have become increasingly serious problems.
　鳩山氏の持論である「友愛」には意味不明、古くさいといったイメージがつきまとっていた。それをかみ砕いて説明し、格差や貧困が深刻になっている今こそ、人々のきずなに根ざした社会づくりが求められると主張した。

The prime minister countered by saying, "What is important to the current administration is not philosophies or abstract theories but actual problems, such as the ongoing economic crisis and the threatening situation on the Korean Peninsula."
　これに対し、首相は「時の政権にとって重要なのは、理念や抽象論ではなく、経済危機や朝鮮半島の脅威など現実問題」と切り返した。

While Hatoyama stressed philosophies, Aso emphasized the ability to run an administration.
　政権交代に込める理念を訴える鳩山氏と、政権担当能力を強調する麻生氏。力点の違いが見えてきた。

The two also clashed over the "Ozawa problem."
　もうひとつ、両氏が鋭くぶつかったのはやはり「小沢問題」だった。

Hatoyama sought the prime minister's support for Minshuto's legislative proposal "to completely ban donations from companies and other organizations in three years, which is based on reflection" of the arrest of Ozawa's state-paid aide.
In response, Aso criticized his opponent, saying: "Companies also have their raison d'etre as members of society. Even though there are suspicions that (the Ozawa camp) has not even observed the existing law, blaming the system is tantamount to sidestepping the argument."
　「反省の中から、企業・団体献金を３年後に禁止したい」と、法制化に同調を求める鳩山氏に対し、首相は「企業にも社会の一構成員としての存在意義がある。現在の法律すら守っていない疑惑があるのに、制度が悪いというのは論理のすり替えだ」と批判した。

What Aso was apparently trying to say was that Ozawa's failure to provide a proper explanation about the scandal is the problem, and corporate donations are not necessarily bad.
　小沢氏が事件についての説明責任を果たしていないことが問題なのであって、企業献金が悪いわけではないということだろう。

But both sides ended the debate by presenting self-serving arguments over accountability on the Ozawa problem and the fact that some LDP politicians had also received dubious donations from Nishimatsu Construction Co. Most people must have found the exchange unconvincing.
　だが、小沢問題の説明責任や、他方で少なからぬ自民党議員たちが同じように「西松献金」を受け取っていたことについてのやりとりは、それぞれに都合のいい応酬で終わった。納得できない思いの国民は多かろう。

What caught our attention was the following strong statement by Hatoyama: "One side has an aide arrested while the other side is left untouched. Is this what career prosecutors should be doing? We have to put an end to this bureaucracy-led government."
　気になったのは、鳩山氏が「一方は秘書が逮捕され、他方はおとがめなし。これが検察官僚のやることなのか。官僚国家に歯止めをかけなきゃいけない」と声を強めたことだ。

But overstressing this point would blur Minshuto's crucial counterproposal to establish a citizen-led government as opposed to the bureaucrat-led one under the LDP.
　そこに力点を置きすぎれば、自民党政治に突きつけた「官僚主導ＶＳ．国民主導」という肝心の対立軸がぼやけてしまう。

The 45-minute debate was quite unsatisfactory to voters seeking clues on how to choose a government. There are many themes we want the party leaders to debate, such as how to finance their policies and their views on security and the Constitution.
　政権選択の手がかりを求める有権者には、はなはだ物足りない約４５分間だった。政策の財源論や安全保障、憲法など聞きたいテーマは山ほどある。

Wednesday's debate virtually kicked off the campaign for the next Lower House election. Since both leaders say they will not avoid debates, we urge them to continue exchanging views on a weekly basis.
論争を逃げないという両党首なのだから、総選挙への第一声と心得て、毎週でも討論を重ねてほしい。

To delve deeper into issues, why not have the party leaders take turns deciding what topics to debate?
　論点を掘り下げるためにも、交代で事前に大きな議題を設定しあう、といった工夫をしてもいい。

自殺者３万人―安全網を張り直さねば

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 28(IHT/Asahi: May 29,2009)
EDITORIAL: The high suicide rate
自殺者３万人―安全網を張り直さねば

The number of people who committed suicide in Japan in 2008 surpassed 30,000 for the 11th consecutive year. In the first four months of this year, more than 11,000 people killed themselves.
　昨年、自殺者がまた３万人を超えた。９８年以来、１１年連続である。今年も４月までに１万１千人を超えた。

In a high-profile case in April, actress Yukiko Shimizu, who had been caring for her dementia-stricken mother, took her own life. It is too painful to think she may have fallen into despair while devoting herself to caring for her mother at the expense of giving up her career. The tragedy was a grim reminder of the weakness of a social safety net.
　４月には、認知症の母を介護していた女優の清水由貴子さんが死を選んだ。仕事をやめ献身的に家族を支えていて、追いつめられたのだとしたら、あまりに切ない。もっと社会的な支援はできなかったのだろうか。命をささえる安全網の弱さを改めて痛感させる出来事だった。

The death toll from suicides topped 30,000 for the first time in 1998. Following the collapse of Yamaichi Securities Co. and Hokkaido Takushoku Bank in 1997, the 1998 figure surged by 8,000 amid growing gloom over the economic downturn. Our fear is that the current recession will trigger another spike.
　３万人台に突入した９８年は、山一証券、北海道拓殖銀行が経営破綻（はたん）した翌年だ。底なしの不況感が広がるなか、自殺者が前年より８千人増えた。今回の世界同時不況が、再び自殺者急増の引き金にならないか心配だ。

In terms of the number of suicides per 100,000 people, Japan ranks second to Russia among the Group of Eight powers. Japan's rate is twice and three times higher than for the United States and Britain, respectively.
　１０万人あたりの自殺者数では、日本はＧ８の中でロシアに次いで２番目だ。米国の２倍、英国の３倍である。

The suicide toll remained under 20,000 during the period of high economic growth and then stayed below 30,000 for many years. Why have suicides increased so much in the past decade? It behooves us to pay more attention to social factors behind the trend, instead of attributing suicides to the failure of individuals to cope with life's burdens.
　長く２万人台で、その前の高度成長期は１万人台にとどまっていた自殺者が、なぜこうも増えたのか。個人の生きる力の問題よりも、社会的な背景に目を向けざるをえない。

For a decade or so after the collapse of the late 1980s asset-inflated economy, competition in society intensified amid a clamor of calls for structural reform. Social security spending was curbed and the importance of self-responsibility was emphasized.
　バブル崩壊後の十数年、「構造改革」の掛け声のもとに競争が激化した。社会保障は抑えられ、自己責任を強調する風潮が強まった。

In South Korea, where former President Roh Moo-hyun recently committed suicide, the national suicide tally started rising sharply at the end of the 1990s following the Asian financial crisis. It seems that radical social changes have triggered despair among a growing number of people in South Korea. The same holds true in Japan.
　前大統領が自殺した韓国でも、通貨危機後の９０年代末から急に自殺が増えた。急激な社会変化で追いつめられる人が増える構造は、日本と共通しているのではないか。

The situation increasingly is a cause of great concern. The basic suicide prevention law, enacted in 2006, stipulates that the central and local governments, along with employers, have a responsibility to support efforts to reverse the trend by working closely. But even suicide hotlines across the nation face an acute shortage of counselors.
　事態は深刻さを増している。
　０６年に自殺対策基本法ができ、政府、自治体、事業主の責務と連携をうたった。ところが各地のいのちの電話でさえ、相談員が減って悲鳴を上げているのが実態だ。

Formerly, efforts to prevent suicide focused mainly on treatments of depression. But suicides are triggered usually by a mix of factors. Effective suicide prevention requires careful analysis of factors and a broad range of steps.
　かつてはうつ病対策が中心だったが、自殺の原因は複合的である。丁寧な分析と幅広い対策が必要だ。

The number of suicides among people in their 30s hit a new high last year, according to the National Police Agency (NPA). Job woes for the "lost generation" appear to be behind the surge. Among reasons for suicides, cases of "multiple debts" have decreased while those of "loss of jobs" and "failure to find a job" have increased. That may suggest that the government's steps to deal with consumer debt problems, such as legal changes to eliminate the so-called "gray zone" exorbitant interest rates, are starting to bear fruit. But policy efforts to assure job security and help the needy are insufficient.
　警察庁によると、昨年は３０代の自殺が過去最多だった。「失われた世代」の雇用問題が背景にあるとみられる。
　原因では「多重債務」が減り、「失業」「就職失敗」が増えた。グレーゾーン金利の撤廃などの政策が効き始めた一方で、雇用や生活の支援が追いついていないとみることができそうだ。

The government should consider adopting measures to provide more opportunities for unemployed people to receive job training while providing sufficient livelihood support as part of its suicide prevention drive.
　生活を保障しながら職業訓練を受ける機会を増やす、といった政策を自殺対策の面からも考えねばなるまい。

We hope the NPA will release more detailed data based on regions. For example, are suicide rates in certain regions high among young people or women? What about differences among job categories? Data that answer such questions are crucial for developing effective measures carefully tailored to the special circumstances in specific regions.
　警察庁にはもっと詳しい地域別のデータを公表してほしい。若い世代が多いのか、女性が多いのか、どんな職種が多いのか。地域の特徴に合わせた、きめ細かな対策が必要だからだ。

Last year, Tokyo's Suginami Ward designated May and September as suicide prevention months. To prevent suicide among younger generations, the municipal government organizes awareness campaigns on the streets that involve the families of suicide victims. It also holds classes at schools on the importance of life and organizes lectures at events like music festivals.
　東京都杉並区は昨年から５、９月を自殺予防月間に定めた。若い世代の自殺を防ごうと、遺族も加わって街頭宣伝したり、学校で命の授業をしたり、音楽祭で予防の話をしたりしている。

The only way to curtail the suicide rate is through steady efforts to raise the hopes of those who are experiencing hardship.
　生きる希望をつなぐための地道な努力を積み重ねていくしかない。

原爆症訴訟 認定基準の再見直しが必要だ

The Yomiuri Shimbun(May. 29, 2009)
Review of A-bomb sufferer criteria needed
原爆症訴訟　認定基準の再見直しが必要だ（5月29日付・読売社説）

As atomic bomb survivors grow older, the state should not prolong legal battles with them.
　被爆者は高齢化している。国は裁判で長く争い続けるべきではない。

The Tokyo High Court handed down a ruling Thursday regarding the recognition of people suffering from illnesses caused by radiation in the 1945 atomic bombings in Hiroshima and Nagasaki that helps atomic bomb victims on a level that far outstrips the state's criteria for recognition.
　原爆症の認定をめぐる訴訟で、東京高裁は、国の認定基準を大きく上回る範囲で被爆者を救済する判断を示した。

Atomic bomb survivors who are not recognized by the state as suffering illnesses due to radiation from the bombings have filed group lawsuits across the nation. Before Thursday, 17 rulings had been handed down by district and high courts, with most of the plaintiffs receiving favorable decisions.
　国から原爆症と認定されなかった被爆者が全国で集団訴訟を起こしている。これまでに全国の地・高裁で１７回の判決が出ており、大半の原告が勝訴してきた。

Thursday's ruling by the Tokyo High Court recognized that nine of the 10 plaintiffs, who were not recognized by the state, as suffering from illnesses due to radiation from the bombings.
　今回の東京高裁判決も、国が認めなかった１０人の原告のうち９人を原爆症と認めた。

The ruling strongly urges the state to review the criteria for recognition of atomic bomb disease sufferers. The government needs to take this ruling seriously.
　国に認定基準の見直しを改めて強く迫るものであり、政府は重く受け止めねばならない。

===

Opening the door wider

Under the Atomic Bomb Victims Relief Law, people qualified for recognition as atomic bomb victims are those who were near ground zero in Hiroshima or Nagasaki on the days of the bombings and the two weeks after. These certified survivors are provided with atomic bomb survivor health handbooks and are entitled to free medical treatment. The majority of the survivors receive monthly health care stipends of about 34,000 yen.
　被爆者援護法では、原爆投下時とその後２週間以内に爆心地周辺にいた人は被爆者と認定される。被爆者健康手帳が交付されて医療費が無料となるほか、大半の人に月額約３万４０００円の健康管理手当が支給されている。

If these survivors have diseases that are recognized as due to radiation exposure, they are entitled to receive a special medical allowance of about 140,000 yen per month instead of the monthly health care stipends.
　さらに、病気が放射線による原爆症と認定されると、健康管理手当に代わり、医療特別手当が約１４万円支給される。

Currently, about 240,000 people have atomic bomb survivor health handbooks. However, strict criteria, such as the distance the atomic bomb survivor was from ground zero, has prevented them from being recognized as suffering illnesses due to radiation, even if they have developed diseases. As a result, until about two years ago, only about 2,000 survivors had been recognized as atomic bomb radiation disease patients.
　被爆者手帳を取得している人は約２４万人いる。だが、病気になった場合に原爆症と認められるには爆心地からの距離など厳しい条件があり、２年前まで認定者は２０００人余りに過ぎなかった。

But the government for its part has not entirely been sitting on its hands. In the summer of 2007, then Prime Minister Shinzo Abe announced an easing in the criteria for recognizing sufferers of atomic bomb-linked disease. The government then began to recognize atomic bomb survivors with five specific diseases, including cancer, as sufferers of atomic bomb-related disease.
　政府も全く無策だったわけではない。２００７年夏に当時の安倍首相が認定基準の緩和を表明し、がんなど五つの病気は積極的に原爆症と認めるようになった。

Since then, the door has opened wider, with about 3,000 people being newly recognized just in the last fiscal year. With eased criteria, 60 percent of plaintiffs have been recognized by the state as suffering illnesses caused by atomic bomb radiation.
　昨年度だけで約３０００人が認定されるなど、以前と比べれば格段に門戸は広がった。この措置で原告の６割はすでに国からも原爆症と認定されている。

===

Change must come quickly

However, Thursday's ruling is a message from the judiciary that this has not been enough.
　しかし、まだ十分ではない、というのが司法のメッセージだ。

Besides the five specific diseases under the government's recognition criteria, the bar is still set high for victims seeking recognition as sufferers. In a string of lawsuits, those with cirrhosis of the liver and underactive thyroid function--illnesses that are not eligible--have been recognized by the courts as sufferers of atomic bomb diseases.
　「積極認定」の対象となる５疾病以外は今もハードルが高い。一連の訴訟では、対象外の肝硬変や甲状腺機能低下症も同様に原爆症と認める判決が続いている。

In addition, nearly 8,000 people have filed applications for government recognition and are waiting for decisions. The government says more than 20,000 people will be recognized within 10 years at this pace. But considering that the average age of survivors is currently about 75, this pace is too slow.
　また、審査待ちの認定申請者が８０００人近くもいる。政府は、今のペースなら１０年で２万人以上が認定されるとしているが、被爆者の平均年齢が７５歳であることを考えれば、速いとは言えない。

The government should swiftly recognize people as sufferers of atomic bomb-related diseases based on precedents that have been set by courts. Criteria also needs to be further eased by adding to the list of recognized diseases.
　これまでに判決が認めたことを踏まえて、迅速に原爆症と認定していくべきだ。積極認定の対象疾病を追加し、基準を一段と緩和する必要があろう。

A ruling coalition project team has submitted to the government its report seeking a wide review of the recognition framework. The government should work to settle this issue swiftly.
　与党プロジェクトチームも政府に、認定の枠組みを幅広く見直すよう求める意見書を出した。政府は早急に決着を図るべきだ。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 29, 2009)
（2009年5月29日01時42分  読売新聞）

安保理決議―強固な結束あってこそ

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 27(IHT/Asahi: May 28,2009)
EDITORIAL: Actions against N. Korea
安保理決議―強固な結束あってこそ

In light of North Korea's second nuclear test earlier this week, the eyes of the world are on the United Nations Security Council.
　北朝鮮の２度目の核実験を受けて、世界の目は国連安全保障理事会がどう対応するかに注がれている。

It is now clear that Resolution 1718, adopted in October 2006 in condemnation of Pyongyang's first nuclear test, has effectively failed. This is a serious matter for the Security Council, whose very reason for existence could be called into question. The international community must unite and make its will abundantly clear to North Korea.
　０６年の初の核実験をめぐる決議は結果的に失敗に終わった。安保理の存在自体が問われかねない深刻な事態だ。国際社会として一致した強い意思を北朝鮮に突きつけなくてはならない。

An emergency meeting of the Security Council unanimously agreed on drafting a new resolution. U.S. President Barack Obama spoke with Japanese Prime Minister Taro Aso and South Korean President Lee Myung Bak on the phone. Noting the need for a "strong U.N. resolution," Obama reaffirmed that the United States, Japan and South Korea should keep working together for that end.
　安保理の緊急会合では、新たな決議をつくることで一致した。オバマ米大統領は麻生首相、李明博韓国大統領との電話協議で「強い決議が必要だ」と述べ、合意づくりに向けて３カ国が協力していくことを確認した。

The 2006 resolution represented a break from tradition in two ways. For one, it was the first time that the Security Council adopted a resolution against North Korea. Secondly, the resolution provided for sanctions against the reclusive dictatorship, including a freeze on the movement of goods and funds associated with the development of weapons of mass destruction.
　３年前の決議は、二つの点で画期的だった。北朝鮮に対する初の決議であり、大量破壊兵器の開発につながる資金や物資の移動を止めるなどの制裁措置を加えたことだ。

Unfortunately, however, enforcement of the sanctions was left to the discretion of individual nations, and the resolution effectively did not function. There were concerns that North Korea may react irrationally to sudden sanctions. Also, the resolution could not be made too binding if all member countries were to stand together.
　だが残念ながら、制裁の履行は加盟国の判断に委ねられ、現実にはほとんど機能しなかった。いきなりの制裁には北朝鮮の暴発を招きかねないというためらいがあったし、制裁する側の結束を保つために強制色を弱める必要もあったからだろう。

In fact, there is considerable variance in what motivates different countries in their relations with North Korea. Pyongyang's nuclear capabilities are a grave threat to Japan, South Korea and the United States, and are certainly not acceptable to China and Russia. There is no doubt that both Beijing and Moscow are hoping North Korea would become a more open nation.
　実際、北朝鮮をめぐる各国の思惑にはかなりの違いがある。北朝鮮の核保有は日米韓にとって深刻な脅威だが、中国やロシアにとっても受け入れられる現実ではない。北朝鮮が開放的な政策への転換をとげることが好ましいというのも両国の本音に違いない。

But neither China nor Russia wants to invite any confusion on the Korean Peninsula that might boomerang on themselves. This makes them cautious about applying any strong pressure on North Korea.
　ただし、朝鮮半島の混乱が自国に波及するような事態は避けたい。だから、北朝鮮にあまり強い圧力をかけることには慎重だ。

Such individual differences among Security Council members were revealed when Pyongyang test-fired a long-range ballistic missile last month. The council members split over whether to issue a resolution condemning Pyongyang or a presidential statement.
　こうした違いは、先月の弾道ミサイルの発射実験をめぐって、安保理決議とするか、議長声明にとどめるか、という形でも表面化した。

But this time, North Korea went one step further in blackmailing the international community with its nuclear test and missiles. The country made its nuclear ambitions amply clear to the world. Now is the time for all Security Council members to set aside their differences and act as one in pressing North Korea to abandon its nuclear ambitions.
　だが今回、北朝鮮は核とミサイルで国際社会への脅しを強め、「核保有国」への野心を一段とあらわにした。いまこそ各国は違いを乗り越え、核放棄を厳しく迫らなければならない。

What sanctions the Security Council will come up with is a matter of much interest. But the most important point is that the resolution must be effective and have the backing of all members.
　どんな制裁を盛り込むかが注目されているが、大事なのは決議の実効性であり、それを支える加盟国の結束だ。

In that sense, we would like to again point out China's importance. Any further escalation of regional tensions due to North Korea's nuclear program could not be desirable for China. And we also remind China that it is responsible for nuclear nonproliferation and peace as a world power.
　その点で、中国の重要性を改めて指摘したい。北朝鮮の核問題で地域の緊張がこれ以上高まるのは中国にとっても好ましくないだろうし、核不拡散や平和に対して大国としての責任があることも自覚すべきである。

Japan is taking part in the drafting of the new resolution, but there are also other things it should be doing. Japan is prepared to normalize relations with North Korea and provide economic assistance if the latter changes its policies, including that on the abduction issue. This is the message Japan must try to convey while forging global solidarity.
　日本は決議の草案づくりに参画する。ほかにもすべきことがある。拉致問題を含めて北朝鮮が政策を改めれば国交を正常化し、経済支援をする用意が日本にはある。それをもっと強く訴えて国際社会の結束を促すことだ。

We need only to look at the Iranian problem and the difficulties faced by Mideast peace talks to understand that no U.N. resolution can be a panacea. But the Security Council is now being tested on whether it can come up with a truly effective resolution.
　決議が万能薬でないことは、中東和平やイラン問題を見れば明らかだ。だが、今ここでいかに実効性ある内容を決議に盛り込めるか、安保理としての正念場を迎えている。

党首討論 肝心な政策論議が足りない

The Yomiuri Shimbun(May. 28, 2009)
Aso, Hatoyama must openly debate policies
党首討論　肝心な政策論議が足りない（5月28日付・読売社説）

Prime Minister Taro Aso and Democratic Party of Japan President Yukio Hatoyama finally faced off in the Diet in a head-to-head debate as ruling and main opposition party leaders Wednesday. However, the first battle between the leaders produced somewhat disappointing results. Future contests should promote in-depth debate, focusing on policy matters.
　党首討論がようやく実現した。だが、麻生首相と民主党の鳩山代表との初対決は今一つ食い足りない議論で終わった。
　両党首は、もっと政策課題を中心に、掘り下げた論争を展開すべきだ。

Wednesday's debate was a prelude to the House of Representatives election that must be held by early September. With the next lower house election apparently firmly in mind, Hatoyama harshly criticized the fiscal 2009 supplementary budget as a waste of money, saying it was "of bureaucrats, by bureaucrats and for bureaucrats."
　２７日の党首討論は、次の衆院選を控えての前哨戦だった。
　鳩山代表が２００９年度補正予算は「無駄遣い」が多く、「官僚の官僚による官僚のための予算」と酷評したのも、選挙を意識したものだろう。

In response, Aso, president of the Liberal Democratic Party, pressed Hatoyama by saying that former DPJ President Ichiro Ozawa failed to give a full account of the situation regarding illegal donations his secretary allegedly received from Nishimatsu Construction Co.
　これに対して首相は、西松建設からの違法献金事件で、民主党の小沢前代表が「説明責任」を十分に果たしていないと追及した。

Deriding the DPJ's stated plan to ban donations from companies and other organizations, Aso said, "If the party blames the system for its violations of the law, it's just switching the focus of the argument." The two leaders' debate on the matter was conducted at cross-purposes.
　民主党の企業・団体献金の禁止案については、「法律違反をして『制度が悪い』というのは論理のすり替えだ」と反論し、議論はすれ違ったままだった。

===

Fraternity vs reality

At the beginning of the debate, Hatoyama spoke about building a fraternal society--his central policy plank--beginning with the original policy in an apparent attempt to dispel any perception he is Ozawa's puppet.
　討論の冒頭、鳩山代表が持論の「友愛社会」を持ち出したのは、「小沢氏の傀儡(かいらい)」との見方を払拭(ふっしょく)し新味を出す狙いからだろう。

Aso retorted that the most important task facing the administration was to deal with the "reality" the country faces, including the economic crisis, rather than being preoccupied with "abstract theory." As the head of the nation's administration, Aso's comment was understandable and right.
　首相は、抽象論ではなく、経済危機などの「現実」にどう対応するかが最も重要だ、と切り返したが、政権を担当する身として当然のことといえよう。

As Aso pointed out, if Hatoyama wants to win public support for his notion of a fraternal society he needs to spell out what he means, and how it fits with the rest of his policy platform.
　鳩山氏が「友愛」について国民の理解を得ようとするなら、首相の指摘通り、具体的な政策に即してこれを語る必要がある。

===

Funding social security reform

Steering the debate toward which party was best able to hold the reins of government, Aso pointed to problems he said beset the DPJ's social security and national security policies, claiming they would result in "extreme insecurity" in society.
　首相は、「どちらの政党に政権担当能力があるか」などとして、民主党の社会保障と安全保障政策が「極めて不安」と指摘した。

However, Aso did not delve further into the issue of how the DPJ would raise funds to implement its policies, such as providing income guarantees for farming households and increased child benefits, which the DPJ has said can be paid for by eliminating wasteful spending.
　しかし、農家の戸別所得補償や子ども手当などの財源は「歳出の無駄の排除」などで捻出(ねんしゅつ)するとしている民主党の財源問題には踏み込まなかった。

Presently, the public are chiefly concerned about social security issues such as the public pension, and health and nursing care.
　国民が現在、最大の関心を抱いているのは、年金や医療、介護などの社会保障問題だ。

Time given over to debate was limited, but still, it is simply inexplicable that neither leader brought up the issue of raising the consumption tax rate to fund the social security system.
時間的制約があったとはいえ、その財源としての消費税率引き上げ問題を論じなかったのはどうしたことか。

Meanwhile, Hatoyama stressed that a change of government is necessary to put an end to bureaucrat-led politics, but he presented no concrete measures.
　一方、鳩山代表も、官僚主導政治を転換させるためには、政権交代が必要だと強調したものの、そのための具体的方策を聞くことはできなかった。

Overall, the debate lacked detailed policy discussion, which, afterall, should be the basis of debate.
　この日の党首討論は、結局、肝心の政策論争が不足していた。

The next lower house election should be fought on policies and vision for this country.
　次の衆院選で争われるべきは、各政党の基本政策や国の将来ビジョンである。

The current Diet session is expected to be extended. We hope the leaders of the two parties will clarify points of contention regarding their policies as the next lower house election approaches by holding regular one-on-one debates in the Diet, and conducting thorough discussions on policies regarding social security reform, diplomacy and national security.
　今国会は、会期が延長される見通しだ。両党首は、ルール通りに党首討論を重ね、社会保障政策や外交・安保政策についても、大いに論じ合い、選挙の政策争点を明らかにしてもらいたい。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 28, 2009)
（2009年5月28日01時30分  読売新聞）

北朝鮮の核実験―米中の連携で暴走止めよ

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 26(IHT/Asahi: May 27,2009)
EDITORIAL: Pyongyang's nuke test
北朝鮮の核実験―米中の連携で暴走止めよ

North Korea conducted a "successful" underground nuclear test Monday, according to the reclusive dictatorship's official Korean Central News Agency. The blast generated seismic tremors that were detected in various countries.
　北朝鮮が「地下核実験を成功裏に実施した」と発表した。それによる地震波を各国が探知した。

There are still many unknowns, including the scale of the blast. But one thing is certain: North Korea has again acted in defiance of a United Nations Security Council resolution condemning the country's October 2006 nuclear test.
爆発の本当の規模などはっきりしない点は多いが、０６年１０月の実験に対する国連安保理の決議を無視し挑戦する行動だ。

North Korea's action is quite undesirable not only for Japan's security, but also for global peace and security.
　日本の安全保障にとってはもちろんのこと、世界の安全保障や平和にとってもゆゆしき事態である。

At the request of Japan and other nations, the Security Council held an emergency meeting on Monday afternoon (local time) to discuss countermeasures. The United Nations and other international organs for nuclear nonproliferation are now being tested for their true worth.
　日本政府などの要請で安保理は緊急会合を開き、対応を話し合う。国連をはじめ核の拡散防止を課題とする国際機関の存在意義が問われている。

Repeated outrage
■繰り返された暴挙

"Again?" is our exasperated reaction.
　それにしても、「またか」という思いが募る。

Let us go over what North Korea has been up to since its previous nuclear test of two and a half years ago. The dictatorship has created crises by test-launching ballistic missiles, not to mention the two nuclear tests to date.
　前回の実験があった２年半前からのことを思い起こしたい。弾道ミサイルの発射実験をしたり核実験をしたりして、危機的な状況をつくり上げる。

Nothing has changed at all in Pyongyang's classic pattern of blackmailing the international community to squeeze out concessions. Its priority has always been to protect and maintain its political system in defiance of common decency in the international community.
国際社会を脅し、譲歩を迫る。北朝鮮の体制護持を最優先にした無法なやり方はまったく変わらない。

In reaction to the 2006 nuclear test, the U.S. administration of George W. Bush made a significant switch in North Korea policy to engage the latter in dialogue. The Bush administration practically bent over backward in negotiations, hoping the concessions it offered would encourage Pyongyang to abandon its nuclear programs.
　核実験に直面した当時のブッシュ米政権は対話路線に大きくカジを切り、北朝鮮に核を放棄させようと、あの手この手で取引してきた。

Monday's nuclear test was proof of how Pyongyang took advantage of Washington's policy switch after October 2006.
そんな米国の足元を見たこの再核実験だ。

In the days ahead, we may witness a deepening of skepticism about the usefulness of six-party talks that were once hopefully thought to be an important apparatus for getting North Korea to denuclearize itself.
これまで北朝鮮を核放棄に向かわせる重要な装置と期待されてきた６者協議への懐疑論も強まるだろう。

But no matter how grave a threat North Korea has become to the world, it is the solid consensus among the United States, China, Japan and all other nations concerned that it is not realistic to try to resolve the problem by military force. Since this is the case, the international community needs to act with collective wisdom and patience.
This means keeping up every effort, through diplomacy, to induce a fundamental policy change on North Korea's part.
　だが、いかに脅威であるからといって、軍事力で解決を目指すことが現実的でないことは米国や中国、日本をはじめ関係国が共有している認識だ。であれば、国際社会は忍耐強く知恵を絞り、北朝鮮の基本的な政策転換を生み出すための努力を外交的手段で続けなければならない。

But what exactly was Pyongyang's purpose in going ahead with its second nuclear test on this occasion?
　この時期に再び核実験に踏み切った北朝鮮の狙いは何なのだろうか。

One purpose, we presume, was to beef up its nuclear technology and show off the results to the world in hopes of enhancing the nation's status as a fully fledged nuclear-armed power.
　一つは、本格的な核武装国家としての存在感を高めるために核技術を向上させ、誇示したいということだろう。

And to finally end the Korean War and start normalizing relations with the United States, it has been North Korea's strategy for years to bring the United States to the negotiating table for nuclear talks.
朝鮮戦争を最終的に終わらせ、米国との関係正常化を目指すためにも、「核」をめぐる交渉に米国を引き出すことが北朝鮮の年来の狙いだ。

Grave challenge to NPT regime
■不拡散へ重大な挑戦

Four months have passed since the inauguration of the U.S. administration of President Barack Obama in January. But in Pyongyang's perception, none of the administration's key officials, including Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, has shown any special zeal for bilateral negotiations.
Concerning nuclear issues, the Obama administration has been devoted to negotiations with Russia and the problems with Iran, while regional conflicts in the Middle East and Afghanistan are taking up much of Washington's foreign policy efforts. We believe this situation must be frustrating and galling for the North Korean leadership.
　オバマ米政権が誕生して４カ月になるのに、北朝鮮からすればクリントン国務長官をはじめ政権の中枢からは北朝鮮との交渉を実際に動かしたいという熱意が感じ取れない。核をめぐってはロシアとの交渉やイラン問題、地域紛争では中東やアフガニスタンに精力を振り向けている。そんな焦りが北朝鮮の指導部にあるのかもしれない。

Before Monday's nuclear test, Pyongyang outraged the United States, Japan and other members of the international community by test-firing what was believed to be a long-range ballistic missile. The fact that Pyongyang resorted to its habitual brinkmanship twice in less than two months would suggest that something must be going on within the regime.
　ここにきて矢継ぎ早に危機カードを繰り出す動きには、北朝鮮の政権内の事情が絡んでいるとも見られる。

North Korean leader Kim Jong Il is obviously not in the best of health, and no optimism is warranted about the future of the "Kim dynasty." Some pundits say that, in order to prepare for a smooth transition of power to his successor, Kim is pursuing hard-line policies to shore up his regime and is at the same time trying to speed up negotiations with Washington.
　金正日総書記は健康不安を抱え、「金王朝」の将来は楽観できない。権力継承に備えて強硬路線で国内の体制を引き締め、同時に米国との取引を急ぐ。そんな思惑があるとの分析だ。

North Korea's repeated nuclear tests not only threaten the region's security today, but also put the future of the human race at risk. Pyongyang's conduct may well serve to further erode the already shaky framework of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT).
　北朝鮮の相次ぐ核実験は、地域の今日の安全を脅かすにとどまらず、人類の明日を危うくしている。核不拡散条約（ＮＰＴ）体制を一層空洞化させかねないからだ。

On the day of Pyongyang's missile launch in April, Obama called for a nuclear-free world in his historic address in Prague. At that time, it appeared that nuclear nonproliferation was gaining momentum in anticipation of the 2010 NPT review conference.
　４月の北朝鮮のミサイル発射実験のその日、オバマ大統領はたまたまプラハで「核のない世界」を目指すという歴史的な演説をした。来年のＮＰＴ再検討会議に向け、核拡散抑止への環境が整いつつあると見られていた。

But Pyongyang has thrown cold water on this global endeavor with its second nuclear test. We cannot condemn this act vehemently enough.
　そこにこの実験である。世界の流れに冷や水を浴びせた北朝鮮の行動に、重ねて強い憤りを覚える。

North Korea obviously thinks it can do anything it wants. In mid-April, Pyongyang ordered U.S. nuclear experts and International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) inspectors, who were participating in the dismantling of the Yongbyon nuclear facility, out of the country.
　北朝鮮は寧辺の核施設を監視してきた米国と国際原子力機関（ＩＡＥＡ）の要員を国外に追い出した。北朝鮮のやりたい放題になっている。

China and Russia were among the nations that supported the U.N. Security Council's resolution of 2006, which imposed sanctions on North Korea, and demanded that Pyongyang never conduct a nuclear test again. China chairs the six-nation talks on North Korean issues. We are deeply disappointed with China for failing to stop North Korea's reckless deed this time.
　北朝鮮に再び核実験をしないよう求めた０６年の安保理の制裁決議には、中国、ロシアも賛成した。その中国は６者協議の議長国でもある。北朝鮮の無謀な行動を止められなかったことについて、中国に対する失望は深い。

Japan must not sit idle
■日本も積極的に動け

China has its own foreign policy agenda vis-a-vis North Korea. In Beijing's thinking, taking too tough a stand against Pyongyang will drive the country further into isolation, which will not be in the interest of China or the international community from the standpoint of global security.
　中国には中国の外交判断もある。北朝鮮に対して強い姿勢に出れば、北朝鮮がより孤立し、中国の国益にも世界の安全にもむしろ良くないということだ。

While we can appreciate this reasoning, we would still like China to play a leading role in negotiations at the U.N. Security Council. China should lead the council to issue a strong message to North Korea by urging the international community to completely implement sanctions under the 2006 resolution and adopting additional measures.
とはいえ、安保理では北朝鮮に向けて強いメッセージを出す方向で、制裁の徹底実施や追加措置などの協議に主導的な役割を担ってもらいたい。

For the Obama administration, Monday's nuclear test was an unwelcome "pre-emptive strike" from Pyongyang before substantive dialogue could begin. In the days ahead, Obama's North Korea policy may come under harsher criticism at home.
　オバマ政権にとっては、これから対話に取り組もうとしていた北朝鮮から早々と出ばなをくじかれた形だ。政権の対北姿勢への批判が米国内で強まる可能性もある。

But in view of the larger goal of saving the world from the terror of nuclear proliferation and getting a reclusive dictatorship to open up to the rest of the world, North Korea is one of the biggest challenges Obama must tackle successfully. Ultimately, no other country is better positioned than the United States to urge North Korea to change.
　だが、核の拡散による恐怖から世界を救い、閉鎖的な独裁国家を世界に開かれた国にするという大きな目標にとって北朝鮮は最大の試金石のひとつだ。北朝鮮の変化を促すことができるのは何と言っても米国だ。

China's role is also clear. China must work together with the United States and determine what sort of long-range security setup is best suited for East Asia. With the current unraveling of the global economy, strategic cooperation between the United States and China has grown more important than ever. And what better use could there be for such cooperation than in bringing stability to the Korean Peninsula?
　中国の役割もはっきりしている。米国とともに東アジアの長い目で見た安全保障がどうあるべきかを考えてもらいたい。世界同時不況の中で米中の戦略的な連携が重みを増している。朝鮮半島の安定はそれを生かすべき最たる領域ではないか。

As a victim of nuclear attacks in 1945, Japan is committed to making the world nuclear-free. Japan can only recognize every North Korean nuclear test as a grave threat.
　日本は、被爆国として「核のない世界」への取り組みに参画しようとしている。

The yet-unsolved abductions of Japanese citizens by North Korean agents are also a lingering problem. Realistically, there is unfortunately little that Tokyo can achieve by negotiating directly with Pyongyang.
同時に、北朝鮮の核実験や拉致問題を深刻な脅威として受け止めざるをえない立場だ。現実には日朝の直接協議で事態を動かせる可能性は、いまは残念ながら乏しい。

But the least Japan can do is to keep encouraging the United States and China to cooperate with each other. At the same time, Japan should work together with South Korea to actively support efforts that will help to secure peace in the region.
　米中の連携を促し、韓国とともに地域の安全確保へ積極的に後押ししていきたい。

核廃絶：オバマ演説を広島市長が評価

(Mainichi Japan) April 7, 2009
Hiroshima mayor praises Obama's 'anti-nuke weapon' comments
核廃絶：オバマ演説を広島市長が評価

Hiroshima Mayor Tadatoshi Akiba held an impromptu press conference on Monday to praise the speech given by U.S. President Barack Obama in Prague in which he indicated his strong commitment to the abolition of nuclear weapons.
　オバマ米大統領がプラハでの演説で核廃絶に強い姿勢を示したことに対し、秋葉忠利広島市長は６日、臨時に記者会見を開いて高く評価。

The mayor said he plans to request that Obama consider Hiroshima as the site for the international summit meeting on nuclear security that the U.S. president has pledged to hold by next year.
大統領が「来年までに主催する」とした核安全保障を巡る国際サミットについて、秋葉市長は「広島での開催希望を米国側に伝えたい」と話した。

"President Obama said, 'As the only nuclear power to have used a nuclear weapon, the United States has a moral responsibility to act,' defining U.S. responsibility in a historical context." Akiba said of Obama's speech. "The world is gradually turning into one in which denuclearization is possible."
　秋葉市長は、「核兵器を使用した唯一の国として、『核兵器廃絶は道義的責任』と言っており、歴史的文脈での米国の責任を明確にした。『廃絶はできる』という世界になりつつある」と演説について語った。【矢追健介】

Akiba said he hopes to meet with President Obama when he travels to New York next month to participate in a Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty Review Conference Preparatory Committee meeting.

2009年4月6日 21時47分　更新：4月6日 22時2分

国連安保理 制裁の実効性をどう高めるか

The Yomiuri Shimbun(May. 27, 2009)
Tough sanctions needed to halt DPRK's N-efforts
国連安保理　制裁の実効性をどう高めるか（5月27日付・読売社説）

Japan must actively lead discussions at the U.N. Security Council to ensure that a new resolution against North Korea for conducting a nuclear test Monday produces results.
　北朝鮮の核実験に対する国連安全保障理事会の新決議が実効性の高いものとなるよう、日本は安保理の議論を積極的に主導していくべきだ。

At an emergency meeting Monday, the Security Council agreed to start work on a new resolution after declaring the latest test a "clear violation" of Resolution 1718, passed in the wake of North Korea's first nuclear test in October 2006.
　国連安保理は緊急会合で、今回の核実験が、２００６年１０月の核実験後に採択した制裁決議１７１８への「明確な違反」にあたるとして、新たな決議の採択に向け作業を開始することで合意した。

Tokyo plans to prepare a draft resolution, which calls for a beefing up of sanctions against Pyongyang.
　日本は、制裁措置を強化する内容の決議案を準備する方針だ。

===

Resolution must have teeth

Resolution 1718 obliges all U.N. member states to ban the export to North Korea of arms and materials related to weapons of mass destruction as well as luxury goods. It also requires them to freeze assets held by North Korean companies linked to weapons of mass destruction and requests them to inspect the cargo of vessels traveling to and from North Korea.
　決議１７１８は、武器および大量破壊兵器関連物資、ぜいたく品の輸出禁止や、北朝鮮の大量破壊兵器関連企業の資産凍結を、すべての加盟国に義務づけている。北朝鮮に出入りする船舶などの貨物検査も各国に要請している。

Pivotal points in discussing a new resolution are whether the Security Council will be able to expand the scope of the assets freeze, compile a list of luxury goods banned for export and make ship inspections an obligation rather than a request.
　新決議は、資産凍結対象の拡大やぜいたく品のリスト作成、貨物検査の「要請」を義務に格上げすることが盛り込まれるかどうかが焦点となる。

Work to select North Korean organizations whose assets are to be frozen was suspended after Pyongyang returned to six-party talks on its nuclear program in 2007, but it was resumed after the North launched a ballistic missile last month.
The number of such organizations currently stands at only three, reflecting the positions of China and Russia, both of which are reluctant to impose sanctions on North Korea.
　資産凍結対象団体の選定作業は０７年の北朝鮮の６か国協議復帰に伴って中断し、先月の弾道ミサイル発射を受けて再開された。しかし、制裁に慎重な中国とロシアの意向を反映し、資産凍結の対象は３団体にとどまっている。

The Security Council should not make the same mistake in responding to the latest nuclear test. It is important to ensure a new resolution has teeth.
　今回の核実験では、同じ轍(てつ)を踏んではなるまい。新たな制裁決議は、より効果的な内容にすることが大事だ。

Even if a new resolution is passed, it is possible North Korea will openly defy it by ramping up its nuclear program and test-firing more missiles.
　ただ、新決議を採択しても、北朝鮮は公然と無視し、核開発とミサイル発射実験をエスカレートさせる可能性が高い。

Unless the United States and China make a serious effort to forestall North Korea's nuclear ambitions, it will prove difficult to make Pyongyang abandon its nuclear development program. The United States can resort to financial sanctions, while China, as the biggest provider of energy and other aid to North Korea, can play a crucial role.
　金融制裁の手段を持つ米国と、エネルギー支援を含め最大の援助国である中国が、本気で阻止しようとしない限り、北朝鮮に核開発を断念させるのは至難だろう。

Japan is directly threatened by North Korea's possible development of missiles with nuclear warheads. It is therefore essential for Tokyo to vigorously urge Washington and Beijing to apply pressure on Pyongyang to abandon its nuclear program.
　北朝鮮の核ミサイルの脅威に直接さらされているのは日本だ。米国や中国に対して北朝鮮に圧力を加えるよう、強く働きかけていく必要がある。

China has said it is reluctant to strengthen sanctions against North Korea because doing so would make the early resumption of the six-party talks, which it chairs, less likely. Russia, which currently chairs the Security Council, has acted in tandem with China.
　中国は従来、北朝鮮への制裁強化に慎重な理由として、自らが議長国を務める６か国協議の再開が遠のくことを挙げてきた。安保理の現議長国であるロシアも中国と同一歩調を取ってきた。

===

6-party talks not top priority

The truth of the matter is that North Korea hitherto used the six-party talks to play for time in its efforts to develop nuclear weapons.
　だが、６か国協議が北朝鮮に核開発の時間稼ぎに利用されたのは紛れもない現実だ。

It has been a standard tactic of North Korea to agree to the resumption of six-party talks only in an effort to gain something in return. At this point, prioritizing dialogue with North Korea will only give the country an opportunity to turn the situation to its advantage.
　協議の再開に応じるだけで見返りを引き出そうとするのも、北朝鮮の常套(じょうとう)手段である。この期に及んでの対話重視の姿勢は、北朝鮮に足元をみられるだけだろう。

The international community must make the yet-to-be-agreed resolution the cornerstone of an approach that will put pressure on North Korea to abandon its nuclear weapons program.
　新たな制裁決議を、北朝鮮に対し核廃棄を迫るための重要な土台にしなければならない。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 27, 2009)
（2009年5月27日01時27分  読売新聞）

月例経済報告：景気判断、上方修正 ３年３カ月ぶり、悪化テンポ緩やかに

(Mainichi Japan) May 26, 2009
Finance minister gives improved assessment of economy
月例経済報告：景気判断、上方修正　３年３カ月ぶり、悪化テンポ緩やかに

Finance Minister Kaoru Yosano submitted an improved assessment of the economy to ministers at a Cabinet meeting on Monday.
　与謝野馨財務・金融・経済財政担当相は２５日、５月の月例経済報告を関係閣僚会議に提出した。

In April, the government had assessed the Japanese economy as being in a "severe condition" and "continuing to deteriorate rapidly," while the latest report for May stated that "while the economic situation is still severe, the rate of deterioration has slowed down." Improvements in exports to China and indications that decline in output is leveling off among private corporations as progress is made in inventory correction have been factored into the upward revision, the first such revision in three years and three months.
景気の基調判断を前月までの「急速な悪化が続いており、厳しい状況にある」から「厳しい状況にあるものの、このところ悪化のテンポが緩やかになっている」に上方修正した。上方修正は０６年２月以来、３年３カ月ぶり。中国向けなどの輸出の改善や、在庫調整の進展に伴い民間企業の生産の落ち込みに下げ止まりの動きが出てきたことを踏まえた。

According to the report, assessment of four categories of exports, production, bankruptcies, and public investments, out of a total of 11 categories, have been revised upward. In April, exports were "declining drastically," and production was "declining very drastically," while the latest report used the expression "ceasing to drop" for both categories.
　報告では、１１の個別項目のうち「輸出」、「生産」、「倒産」「公共投資」の４項目の判断を上方修正した。４月は、輸出を「大幅に減少している」、生産を「極めて大幅に減少している」としていたが、ともに「下げ止まりつつある」に表現を改めた。

Meanwhile, employment was revised downward, from an assessment that "conditions are worsening rapidly" in April to "conditions are severe, and are worsening rapidly" in May. While the government has not changed its position that the economy is in serious condition, Yosano said in a press conference on Monday, "The January-March quarter was the worst period, but the situation has been changing since April. We can't be too optimistic because there are still various possible downside risks, but I believe we're past the worst of it."
　一方で、雇用は４月の「急速に悪化しつつある」から「急速に悪化しており、厳しい状況にある」に下方修正した。政府は依然として景気の現状は厳しいとの見方を崩していないが、与謝野経財相は同日の会見で「１～３月期は最悪の時期だったが、４月以降は局面が変わった。いろんな下振れリスクもあるので楽観主義に陥ってはならないが、最悪期は脱したと思っている」と述べた。【上田宏明】

毎日新聞　2009年5月26日　東京朝刊

本のデジタル化―知の集積体を日本にも

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 25(IHT/Asahi: May 26,2009)
EDITORIAL: Digitization of books
本のデジタル化―知の集積体を日本にも

The world's largest Internet search engine service provider, U.S.-based Google Inc., is moving ahead with a database service that will allow nearly instant access to information from a vast array of books around the world.
　世界中の膨大な数の本から知りたい情報を即座に探し出す。ネット検索の最大手、米国グーグル社が、そんな検索サービスを進めている。

Google has electronically copied more than 7 million books from university libraries and other facilities in the United States and Europe. Although information available on the web can be hit or miss, information from books generally tends to be of high quality. Using the Google Book Search service, users will be able to read out-of-print books on the Internet.
　グーグルは欧米の大学図書館などの蔵書をコピーして、７００万冊を超えるデータベースを作った。ウェブ情報は玉石混交といわれるが、書籍からの情報は総じて質が高い。絶版書をネットで読めるようにする。

Google and U.S. organizations representing authors and publishers have reached a settlement in which 63 percent of income Google earns from database service and advertising fees will be distributed to copyright holders. However, the agreement, as it affects Japanese authors, has become contentious.
　米国の著作者や出版社の団体との間で、データベース利用料や広告などで得られる収入の６３％を支払うといった和解案がまとまった。ところが問題は日本にも及び、混乱が起きている。

For example, more than 500 books by Haruki Murakami are on Google's list. There are also many other digitized Japanese books. If Japanese books no longer in circulation are deemed out of print, then in the future, Google could make many of them available to the public.
　例えば、村上春樹さんの著作はグーグルのリストに５００点以上あがっている。デジタル化ずみの日本語の本も多い。この先、市場で流通していない日本語の本が絶版と判断されれば、ネットでの公開が広がるかもしれない。

The copyright holder can ask Google to delete the works from the database, but unless they file opt-out claims, by default it will mean the copyright holder agrees with Google's rules. This one-sided approach caused the Japan Writers' Association to issue a written objection. Google needs to give a full explanation and be more circumspect.
　著作権者はデータ削除を求めることもできるが、積極的に拒否の手続きをしないと、グーグルのルールに同意したことになる。こうした一方的なやり方に、日本文芸家協会などが抗議の声をあげている。グーグルは十分に説明し、より丁寧に対応する必要がある。

Nevertheless, there is no question that in the future, Google's Book Search will be hugely influential worldwide. If so, will it be in Japan's interest to have Google delete data on Japanese books in a mere attempt to protect copyrights?
　しかしこの先、グーグルの書籍検索が世界で大きな影響力を持つのは間違いないだろう。とすれば、データを削除させることで日本の本の著作権を守るという姿勢だけでいいだろうか。

What is important is that this process of collecting our heritage of "knowledge" must not be left in the hands of one private company in the United States. We can never know when the company may change its business policy.
　重要なのは、こうした「知」を集積する作業を米国の一企業に任せておいてはいけないということだ。経営方針が変わるかもしれない。

It is totally up to Google what search results appear on top, and how the system is operated. It is convenient, but it is also possible that the operation will be unstable or biased. That is why we must create diverse systems to accumulate and search for knowledge.
検索で何を上位に表示するかなど、運用もグーグルの裁量だ。便利ではあるが、一方で不安定さと偏りが生じる可能性がある。
　だからこそ、グーグルとは違う、多様な知の集積と検索のシステムを作ることが必要だ。

Last November, the European Union set up a database service, Europeana. It is an online collection of digitized items held by museums, libraries and archives in 27 member states.
　欧州連合は昨年１１月、加盟２７カ国の文化機関が所蔵する書籍や絵画、映像などを検索・閲覧できる「ヨーロピアナ」を開設した。

Users can search and view books, artworks and audiovisual images. The database holds more than 4 million items, due to reach 10 million next year. Also, in South Korea, the national library is actively digitizing its archives. In contrast, Japan has been slow to pursue a comprehensive approach.
データ数は４００万を超え、来年には１千万になるという。韓国でも国立図書館がデジタル化を積極的に進めている。それに比べ日本は総合的な取り組みが遅れていた。

But now, a tailwind is beginning to push things forward.
　そこに追い風が吹き始めている。

A bill to revise the Copyright Law is now in the Diet. If it is enacted, the National Diet Library will be able to make digital copies of its archives without obtaining permission from each individual copyright owner.
　審議中の著作権法改正案が通れば、国立国会図書館は著作権者の許諾なしで所蔵資料のデジタル複写ができる。

In the supplementary budget to stimulate the economy, this digitization project was allocated about 12.6 billion yen, a sum that under normal circumstances would cover the budget for the digitization project for 100 years.
　景気対策のための補正予算案では、デジタル化に約１２６億円がついた。例年の１００年分の額だ。

If things go according to plan, a quarter of all domestic library data will be digitized by next spring.
順調にいけば来春までに国内図書の４分の１がデジタル化できる。

A book is a result of an author's ideas and hard work. We should respect that, protect the author's rights, and then work to create new values using digital technologies. Both the public and private sectors must work together to hasten efforts to collect this country's knowledge and transmit it to the world.
　本は著作者の知恵と労力の結晶である。敬意をはらい、権利を尊重したうえで、デジタル技術を利用して新しい価値を生み出す努力をしたい。日本の知を集積し、世界に発信する仕組みづくりを官民で急がねばならない。

日本の宇宙開発―技術は軍より民で磨け

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 25(IHT/Asahi: May 26,2009)
EDITORIAL: Space development plan
日本の宇宙開発―技術は軍より民で磨け

The first space exploration plan drafted by the government's Strategic Headquarters for Space Development, headed by Prime Minister Taro Aso, renews concerns that focusing too much on military aspects could blight the long-term prospects of the nation's space program.
　軍事にばかり目が向いていると、日本の宇宙開発は先細りになりかねない。麻生首相を本部長とする政府の宇宙開発戦略本部が初めてまとめた宇宙基本計画案を見ると、改めてこんな懸念を抱く。

The draft plan cites five priority areas of space utilization, including land and sea observation for contributions to disaster prevention in Asia and weather observation, as well as four key research and development areas, such as space science and manned space activity.
The plan calls for policy support to promote projects in these areas under a five-year time frame from a 10-year perspective. It will be formalized at the end of this month.
　計画案は、アジアの防災に貢献する陸や海の観測、気象観測など五つの利用分野と、宇宙科学や有人活動など四つの研究開発分野を挙げ、今後１０年を視野において５年間で進める計画を掲げている。今月末に正式決定される。

National security is one of the space utilization areas named by the panel. The Space Basic Law, established in May last year, paved the way for Japan's space exploration for security purposes. One notable component of the basic plan is a research project to develop early warning satellite technology.
　安全保障はその利用分野の一つだ。昨年５月にできた宇宙基本法で道が開かれた。早期警戒衛星の研究開発が盛り込まれているのが目を引く。

The early warning satellite envisioned by the government would be used to support the nation's missile defense system. It would be equipped with a sensor that can warn against a missile launch by detecting infrared radiation from a high-temperature object.
　この衛星はミサイル防衛システム用だ。高熱の物体が放つ赤外線によってミサイルの発射を知る。

There was much skepticism about the development of such a satellite, which would require a tremendous amount of money, including the cost of developing the necessary data analysis system, and face many formidable technological hurdles.
技術的な難しさに加え、解析システムの開発なども合わせると費用は巨額になり、導入には消極的な意見が少なくなかった。

But North Korea's test-firing of a ballistic missile in April provoked a chorus of calls within the ruling camp for Japan's own intelligence satellites.
　しかし、北朝鮮が４月に行ったミサイルの発射実験をきっかけに、自前の衛星を持つべきだという声が与党内で一気に盛り上がった。

The government will debate whether to introduce an early warning satellite when it reviews its National Defense Program Guidelines toward the end of the year. Adequate thought should be given not only to the necessity and expected cost of such a program but also to the question of whether Japan's full-scale military space exploration will increase international tension.
　導入するかどうかは、年末に予定される防衛計画大綱見直しの際などに議論される。その必要性や費用はもちろん、日本が宇宙の軍事利用に本格的に乗り出すことで国際的な緊張を高めないか、十分に考える必要がある。

The government should not make a headlong rush into the controversial undertaking in response to the space industry's clamoring for stable public-sector demand.
安定した官需を求める宇宙産業の事情に引っ張られて先走ってはならない。

The proposed space development plan advocates the idea of "dual use" of space technology for both civilian and military purposes. This is an apparent attempt to widen the scope of space use for security objectives.
The plan says, for instance, early warning satellite technology can also be used to detect forest fires.
　計画案は、宇宙技術は使い方次第で民生にも軍事目的にも使える「デュアルユース」の考え方を持ち出し、安全保障への利用を広げようとしている。たとえば、早期警戒衛星の技術は森林火災の探知にも役立つというのだ。

Indeed, spy satellites and Earth observation satellites are based on the same basic technology. If so, the civilian sector, where there is competition among companies, should play the leading role in the development of satellite technology.
　たしかに偵察衛星も地球観測衛星も基本技術は同じだ。それなら企業間の競争がある民生部門でこそ技術を磨くべきだ。

U.S. commercial satellites can distinguish objects of less than 1 meter on the Earth's surface and outstrip Japanese information-gathering satellites in detection capability.
米国の商業衛星は数十センチのものを見分けることができ、日本の情報収集衛星の能力を上回っている。

Defense technologies tend to be costlier, and the government's state-secrets claims often hamper technological progress.
　防衛関連の技術は割高になり、その秘密主義は技術の発達を妨げる。

If space programs planned with little cost consciousness increase under the pretext of national security, there could be some unwanted effects on civilian-sector space development efforts.
　安全保障の名の下に採算を度外視した計画が増えれば、民生部門にしわ寄せが及ぶ恐れもある。

One ominous sign is the ongoing attempt to justify the development of the GX rocket, the next-generation midsize launch vehicle, as an important project for national security. The wisdom of continuing the GX project has been called into question due to delays that have resulted in heavy cost overruns and diminished significance.
計画が遅れて費用が大幅に増え、その意義が薄らいでいるＧＸロケットも、安全保障目的で開発が正当化されようとしている。

The panel's draft plan acknowledges the necessity of broadening the industrial base to promote the nation's space development. That means it is important to ensure an open environment for space development.
　日本の宇宙開発を育てるためにすそ野を広げる必要があることは、計画案でもうたわれている。そのためにも、開かれた環境で進めることが重要だ。

A broad international perspective is also essential for space development. Space is an arena where countries compete and cooperate with each other as they explore the unknown by using their original technologies and ideas. How should Japan use its own technologies to play a role in this effort and contribute to the world?
　宇宙開発には国際的に大きくとらえる視点も欠かせない。宇宙は、各国が独自の技術やアイデアをもって競い合い、協力しながら未知に挑む舞台だ。そこに日本ならではの技術力をどう生かし、どう世界に貢献するのか。

The basic space development plan should offer a convincing strategy for improving Japan's status in space.
　日本の飛躍につながる、そんな戦略を示す基本計画であってほしい。

北朝鮮核実験 度重なる暴挙に厳格対処せよ

The Yomiuri Shimbun(May. 26, 2009)
N. Korea must suffer consequences for N-test
北朝鮮核実験　度重なる暴挙に厳格対処せよ（5月26日付・読売社説）

North Korea went ahead with its second underground nuclear test Monday.
　北朝鮮が２度目の核実験を強行した。

The country just test-launched a long-range ballistic missile on April 5, defying the warnings of the international community. The latest nuclear test, which could improve North Korea's ability to make more compact nuclear bombs, has clarified Pyongyang's wild obsession with perfecting a nuclear missile as soon as possible.
　先月５日には、国際社会の警告に逆らって、弾道ミサイルを発射したばかりだ。核兵器の小型化に通じる核実験の実施は、核ミサイルの早期獲得に執念を燃やす北朝鮮の姿勢を鮮明にした。

When North Korea pressed ahead with its first nuclear test three years ago, the world entered a dangerous new nuclear age. The country's repeated provocations have further damaged stability and increased tensions in the Northeastern Asian region.
　３年前の最初の核実験強行によって、世界はすでに「危険な新たな核の時代」に入った。北朝鮮の度重なる挑発行動により、北東アジア地域の安定は一層損なわれ、緊張は一段と激化している。

===

Tougher sanctions by UNSC
　◆安保理で制裁強化を◆

The latest test puts Japan in a more serious situation since the country is located within range of Rodong missiles North Korea already has deployed. It was reasonable that the government immediately called for an emergency meeting of the U.N. Security Council. We must deal severely with Pyongyang's malicious acts.
　とくに、北朝鮮が配備ずみのノドン・ミサイルの射程内にある日本にとって、事態は深刻さを増した。政府が直ちに国連安全保障理事会の招集を求めたのは当然だ。北朝鮮の暴挙には、厳しく対処していかなければならない。

The latest test is an apparent violation of U.N. Security Council Resolution 1718 which was approved unanimously after North Korea's first nuclear test in October 2006. It means that Pyongyang has again trampled on the resolution calling on the country to suspend nuclear tests and ballistic missile launches.
　今回の核実験は、最初の核実験後に安保理が全会一致で採択した決議１７１８への明白な違反だ。北朝鮮は、「核実験や弾道ミサイル発射の中止」を求めた決議を、相次いで蹂躙(じゅうりん)したことになる。

Immediately after the Security Council adopted a chairman's statement condemning the country's ballistic missile launch, North Korea last month criticized the Security Council, saying the U.N. rebuke was unfair because the event in question was a peaceful satellite launch. We think Pyongyang merely tried to hide its own violation behind sophistry and euphemism.
　北朝鮮は先月、安保理が弾道ミサイル発射を非難する議長声明を採択した直後、「不当千万」と逆に安保理を非難した。
　みずからの違反を棚に上げた詭弁(きべん)である。

In addition, after the Security Council blacklisted three North Korean companies, singling them out for sanctions, Pyongyang threatened to conduct nuclear and intercontinental ballistic missile tests unless the council apologized for criticizing the April 5 missile launch and lifted sanctions on North Korea and other entities concerned.
　さらに、安保理が北朝鮮企業３社を制裁対象にすると、「謝罪と制裁の撤回」を求め、応じなければ「核実験と大陸間弾道ミサイル発射実験」を行うと宣言した。

The conducting of the latest test is seen as an extension of that statement. After the test, North Korea also test-launched three short-range missiles. Will Pyongyang threaten to launch a long-range ballistic missile next time if the Security Council starts discussing sanctions against it?
　その延長線上に、今回の核実験がある。核実験後、短距離ミサイルも３発発射した。安保理が協議入りすれば、長距離弾道ミサイルも発射する、とでも脅したつもりなのだろうか。

===

Defiance must end

How can we stop the nuclear missile development program Pyongyang is defiantly advancing? The international community has to make a levelheaded judgment on this problem and deal with it in a coordinated manner.
　北朝鮮が野放図に進める核ミサイル開発をどう阻止するのか。国際社会は、冷静に判断し、緊密に連携して対処する必要がある。

One of the options the Security Council has at hand is adoption of a resolution to strengthen sanctions against North Korea. Sanctions laid out in Security Council Resolution 1718 adopted three years ago were not fully implemented because North Korea later returned to the six-party talks, a multinational effort to persuade Pyongyang to give up its nuclear weapons program. A few more of those sanctions were implemented after the latest ballistic missile test, but the situation cannot remain as it is now.
　安保理の選択肢には、制裁を強化する決議の採択がある。３年前の決議１７１８は、その後、北朝鮮が６か国協議に復帰したことで制裁が徹底されなかった。先の弾道ミサイル発射でごく一部の制裁が実施されたが、現状のままでよいというわけにはいくまい。

Three years ago, Japan, as a nonpermanent member of the Security Council, led adoption of the sanctions resolution against North Korea along with the United States, Britain and France. Likewise, as a nonpermanent member again, the country should lead efforts to have the Security Council adopt a resolution to toughen sanctions against North Korea.
　日本は３年前、やはり安保理の一員として米英仏とともに制裁決議の採択を主導したように、今回も先頭に立って、安保理で制裁強化決議の採択を目指すべきだ。

Prime Minister Taro Aso and South Korean President Lee Myung Bak spoke on the telephone after the test and confirmed that Tokyo and Seoul would work together with Washington and should take stringent and resolute action against Pyongyang through the Security Council.
　麻生首相は韓国の李明博大統領と電話で、日米韓の連携を確認、安保理で「厳しい対応」を取るべきだとの認識でも一致した。

===

Vital role for China
　◆中国の役割は重い◆

The government said it would consider additional sanctions of its own against North Korea. However, these alone will have no affect at all on North Korea. It is far more significant to make international cooperative efforts against the North.
　日本政府は独自の追加制裁も検討することにしている。ただ、それだけでは、北朝鮮は痛痒(つうよう)を感じまい。国際的な包囲網の実効をあげることが肝要だ。

At present, the role of China, upon which North Korea is economically dependent, is particularly important in pressuring Pyongyang to abandon its nuclear weapons program. The prime minister should try hard to convince China and Russia, which are expected to maintain cautious attitudes, to agree with stricter sanctions against North Korea.
　現状では、北朝鮮が経済的に依存する中国の役割が、北朝鮮に核放棄への圧力をかけるうえできわめて重い。首相は、慎重な態度を示すと予想される中国、ロシアに積極的に働きかけるべきだ。

The six-party talks aim at persuading North Korea to abandon its nuclear development program through negotiations. But, Pyongyang's second nuclear test has undermined the significance of the talks.
　６か国協議は、交渉を通じて、北朝鮮の核放棄の実現を目指そうという枠組みだが、２度目の核実験強行により、事実上、その存在意義は失われた。

It is apparent that North Korea is trying to destroy the six-party talks. Last month, Pyongyang condemned the Security Council and said that it would never attend the six-party talks again. North Korea's real intention is not to abandon its nuclear weapons program, but to establish its nuclear capability as a fact.
　北朝鮮が、６か国協議つぶしを狙っていたのは明らかだ。事実、先月には、安保理非難とあわせ、６か国協議に「二度と絶対に参加しない」と言明した。核放棄ではなく、核兵器保有の既成事実化が北朝鮮の本音だ。

However, this does not mean that denuclearization of North Korea, a common goal shared by Japan, China, South Korea, Russia and the United States, is lost. It is a pressing issue for the five countries not to accept North Korea's ongoing possession of nuclear weapons as a fact and to take effective measures to end it.
　だが、日米韓中露の５か国にとって、北朝鮮の非核化という共通の目的が失われたわけではない。核保有の既成事実化を決して許さず、実効性ある措置をとることが５か国の喫緊の課題だ。

In that sense, the administration of U.S. President Barack Obama, with which North Korea wishes to have direct talks, bears heavy responsibility. We expect the administration to maintain a resolute attitude against North Korea so that Pyongyang will understand normalization of diplomatic ties with the United States is impossible as long as North Korea possesses nuclear weapons and to consider abandoning them.
　北朝鮮が直接対話を望むオバマ米政権の責任はきわめて大きい。核を持つ北朝鮮との正常化はあり得ないことを肝に銘じさせ、核廃棄へ向かわせるよう、毅然(きぜん)とした態度を貫いてもらいたい。

North Korea also said it has started reprocessing spent nuclear fuel rods, suggesting increased production of plutonium for nuclear weapons. Meanwhile, Pyongyang said that trials would start for two U.S. journalists arrested on suspicion of spying. It also raised tensions with Seoul, announcing the unilateral cancellation of all contracts with South Korea concerning the Kaesong industrial complex.
　北朝鮮は、使用済み核燃料棒の再処理を開始した、として核兵器用プルトニウムの増産を示唆している。拘束した米人ジャーナリスト２人の裁判開始を予告し、韓国とも開城工業団地の契約無効宣言で緊張を高めている。

===

Succession a factor?
　◆揺れる金正日後継問題◆

The extreme hardline attitude displayed by Pyongyang might be related to preparations by North Korean leader Kim Jong Il, whose health has allegedly been failing since last year, to groom a replacement to succeed him. The danger of nuclear missile development going on under such conditions requires careful attention.
　一連の“超強硬”姿勢は、昨年以来、健康不安が続く金正日総書記の後継体制作りと深く関係している可能性もある。こうした中で進められる核ミサイル開発の危険性に注意しなければならない。

U.S. nuclear deterrence is only one countermeasure for nonnuclear Japan to dissuade North Korea from using nuclear weapons. It is necessary to ensure confidence in the Japan-U.S. alliance so that the so-called nuclear umbrella can be relied on to function without fail.
　核を持たない日本にとって、米軍の核抑止力こそが北朝鮮に核使用を思いとどまらせる唯一の対抗手段だ。いわゆる「核の傘」が確実に機能するよう日米同盟関係の信頼性を確保する必要がある。

The government also should improve and expand the missile defense system further. In addition to the steady deployment of interceptor missiles, the effectiveness of the system should be improved through information-sharing and improvement of interoperability with the United States.
　ミサイル防衛（ＭＤ）システムの一層の充実も欠かせない。迎撃ミサイルの着実な配備はもちろん、米国との情報共有や、相互運用性の向上など、システムの実効性を高めることが重要だ。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 26, 2009)
（2009年5月26日02時10分  読売新聞）

けいざいフラッシュ：釣りのポイントもＧＰＳで記録－－ユピテル

(Mainichi Japan) May 25, 2009
New portable GPS targets tracks exact position, altitude
けいざいフラッシュ：釣りのポイントもＧＰＳで記録－－ユピテル

Yupiteru Corp. will introduce a portable Global Positioning System (GPS) device that will target fishermen, cyclists and hikers by providing data on their precise location, including altitude.
The "ATLAS ASG-1" shows users their exact location and distances on a liquid crystal screen and the data can be saved, making it easier to find certain difficult points such as favorite fishing spots.
The price of the new device will be 14,800 yen including tax.

　ユピテルは今月末から、現在地の緯度や経度、高度を記録できる全地球測位システム（ＧＰＳ）受信機「ＡＴＬＡＳ　ＡＳＧ－１」を発売する。サイクリングやトレッキングでの移動速度、距離、方位を液晶画面に一括表示。もう一度行くのが難しかった海上の釣りポイントの位置も保存できる。想定価格は税込み１万４８００円。

毎日新聞　2009年5月25日　東京朝刊

エコポイント―名に恥じぬ制度づくりを

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 23(IHT/Asahi: May 25,2009)
EDITORIAL: Eco-points program
エコポイント―名に恥じぬ制度づくりを

As part of the Aso administration's economic stimulus package, the government has introduced a program in which buyers of energy-saving household electronic appliances are given "eco-points" that can be exchanged for gift certificates or other goods.
　省エネ家電を買うと、商品券などに交換できる「エコポイント」をもらえる制度が始まった。麻生政権の経済危機対策の一環だ。
Under the plan, the government will give the consumer eco-points equal to 5 to 10 percent of the purchase price. On May 16 and 17--the first weekend after the program started--many electronic products shops across the country were crowded with consumers.
購入価格の５～１０％分のポイントを配り、たまった分に応じて商品や商品券などと交換できるというので、開始直後の先週末には家電量販店の店頭はにぎわったようだ。

However, the supplementary budget bill, which earmarks 295 billion yen for the eco-points program, is still being debated in the Diet. Therefore, the eco-points will become exchangeable in August.
　ただ、財源となる２９５０億円の補正予算案はまだ国会で審議中で、商品交換ができるのは８月になる。

Details of the program, including the creation of a private-sector secretariat to run the program and the list of items to be exchanged for the eco-points, are all still up in the air. The government rushed to start the program for fear of potential buyers postponing their purchases of new items. This is truly a hashed-up program.
民間に委託する事務局や交換商品を決める作業もすべてこれから。開始が遅れると買い控えが広がりかねないと、ポイント交付だけを見切り発車した。まさに急ごしらえの制度である。

For starters, why are only air-conditioners, refrigerators and digital terrestrial TV sets eligible for the eco-points?
　そもそもポイントがつくのが、なぜエアコン、冷蔵庫、地上デジタル放送の対応テレビの３製品だけなのか。

According to the government's explanation, these three appliances are the biggest electricity guzzlers in the household, responsible for half of all household carbon dioxide emissions. The government says if the system encourages the public to buy more energy-efficient appliances, then it will help cope with global warming.
　政府の説明はこうだ。家庭での二酸化炭素（ＣＯ２）排出量の５割を電力消費量の多いこの３家電が占める。省エネ型家電への買い替えを促せば、地球温暖化対策に役立つ。

In addition, in order to urge the public to switch their TV sets to digital ones before the Japanese terrestrial broadcast system shifts completely to digital broadcasts in July 2011, an extra 5 percent of the price's worth of eco-points is added to TV sets only.
　ついでに、２０１１年７月に地上デジタル放送に完全移行するのに備えて買い替えを促すため、テレビだけに価格の５％ほどの追加ポイントを上乗せした。

The government says the eco-points program is "one that will kill three birds with one stone," addressing the economy, the environment and the shift to digital broadcasts.
景気、環境、地デジの三つの対策を同時に進める「一石三鳥」の政策というふれこみだ。

The Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry apparently expects this program to increase demand for home electronic appliances. Until March next year, when the eco-points program ends, the ministry expects sales of 30 million TV sets, air conditioners and refrigerators, 1.5 times the sales numbers before the global financial crisis.
　経済産業省は、この制度で家電製品の特需も期待しているらしい。対象期間とされる来年３月までに、経済危機が起きる前の１．５倍に当たる合計３千万台が売れると見込む。

Although increased demand is a good thing, things are not that simple.
　需要が増えるのは望ましいことだが、事は単純ではない。

For example, a government policy to support a designated industrial sector is a problem in terms of fairness to other sectors.
　政府がこのように特定業界を支援する政策は、他業界との公平性の面で問題がある。

Even if there is an increase in sales, it could be merely pushing forward the demand that would have eventually emerged anyway. This means there is a risk that once the eco-points program is over, then sales will plummet.
販売が増えても将来の需要の先食いにすぎず、制度が終わればこんどは逆に売れなくなる恐れもある。

Eligible products must satisfy a certain energy-efficiency standard; so far, almost all of them are Japanese products. Even if this was not the government's intention, other nations could see the program as protectionism.
　対象製品は一定の省エネ基準を満たさねばならず、今のところほとんどが日本製品だ。これでは政府にその意図がなくても、海外からは保護主義的な政策だと見られかねない。

While the program may be beneficial for consumers, the 295 billion yen necessary for this system is, in the end, a burden of 2,500 yen for each individual citizen. In addition, more government money will be necessary for administrative procedures to exchange the items for points and print huge numbers of catalogs.
This can hardly be called a "wise" way to spend taxpayer money.
　買い手にとっては有利な制度も、実施に必要な財源２９５０億円は結局のところ１人当たり２５００円の国民負担である。商品交換の事務手続きや、カタログを大量に作るために行政コストがかかることも考えると、税金の「賢い」使い道とは言えない。

If the government argues that the eco-points program is a necessary and extraordinary emergency measure to stimulate consumption and support an industry suffering from rapid sales losses, the least it should do is ensure the program is highly effective in shifting Japan toward an environmentally friendly society.
　消費を刺激し、業績が急激に悪化している業界を支える緊急異例の措置としてやらざるをえないと言うのなら、せめて「エコ社会」への転換に大いに役立つ内容にしなければならない。

However, the program seems contrary to that purpose if people are given more eco-points for buying bigger TV sets that use up more electricity.
　だが、電力消費量の大きい大型テレビを買う方が多くのポイントをもらえるのでは、矛盾しているのではないか。

The government should make further efforts in working out details of the program so that it will produce results worthy of the name "eco-friendly."
今後の細かな制度づくりと運用で、「エコ」の名にふさわしい結果を生み出す努力が求められる。

中国と台湾―ミサイル減でも歩み寄れ

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 23(IHT/Asahi: May 25,2009)
EDITORIAL: Better China-Taiwan ties
中国と台湾―ミサイル減でも歩み寄れ

One year has passed since the inauguration of the Taiwanese administration of President Ma Ying-jeou of the Nationalist Party, who campaigned for the island's rapprochement with mainland China.
　台湾に「対中融和」を掲げる国民党の馬英九政権が誕生して１年がたった。

Over the past year, relations that once appeared frozen have thawed markedly. We welcome the improvement of ties that has brought stability in the region.
凍り付いたかに見えた中国との関係はこの間にゆるみ、地域に安定をもたらしたことを歓迎したい。

The cross-strait relations started deteriorating in July 1999, when then Taiwanese President Lee Tenghui defined the ties as between "two countries."
　中台関係は、台湾の独自性を強調する李登輝総統（当時）が９９年７月に「二国論」を提起したことで悪化した。

Lee's successor, Chen Shui-bian of the Democratic Progressive Party, who came to power in spring 2000, refused to accept the "one China" principle and leaned strongly toward Taiwanese independence.
Chen's pro-independence posture brought dialogue between Taipei and Beijing to a halt.
さらに、翌春に政権奪取した民主進歩党の陳水扁氏が「一つの中国」を拒み、独立志向をむき出しにするようになって、対話も途絶えていた。

Since taking office in May last year, Ma has stuck to his policy of maintaining the status quo without seeking either reunification or independence while aggressively pursuing talks with China as part of efforts to revitalize the Taiwanese economy.
　馬氏は就任後、「統一も独立もしない」という現状維持路線を保ち、台湾経済の活性化のため積極的に中国との協議を目指した。

Beijing has responded to Ma's overture by embarking on serious policy dialogue with his administration.
　中国も馬政権との本格対話に積極的に乗り出した。

This change has occurred because President Hu Jintao and other Chinese leaders, aware of concerns about the "threat" posed by China among many Taiwanese, have focused on peaceful development of China-Taiwan ties rather than on efforts to achieve reunification as soon as possible.
胡錦濤・共産党総書記らが「中国脅威論」を意識し、性急に統一を目指すのではなく、中台関係の平和的発展に政策の重点を置くように変わったからだ。

Still, the change has been amazing.
　それにしても、台湾海峡の景色の変わりようには目を見張る。

Less than 10 days after Ma was sworn in as Taiwanese president, the chairman of the Nationalist Party, Wu Poh-hsiung, and Hu met in Beijing and paved the way for rapprochement. The chiefs of the so-called unofficial negotiating bodies of the two sides have already held three rounds of talks.
　馬政権が発足して１０日もたたぬうちに、呉伯雄・国民党主席と胡総書記が北京で会談して関係改善に道筋をつけた。中台交渉の窓口機関トップはすでに３回も会談した。

In addition to long-overdue direct flights and shipping channels between them, China and Taiwan have agreed to let Chinese tourists visit the island.
　長年の懸案だった空や海の直航便が実現したほか、中国人の台湾観光も解禁された。

Besides people and goods, money will also flow more freely across the Taiwan Strait. Beijing and Taipei have reached basic agreements on allowing financial institutions on both sides to invest and do business in each other's markets while opening Taiwan's economy to investment by Chinese companies.
ヒトやモノの交流に加えて、金融機関の相互乗り入れや中国資本の台湾進出というカネの行き来も原則合意された。

The improved relations have also set the stage for Taiwan's participation as an observer in the World Health Assembly, the decision-making body of the World Health Organization. Taipei has been requesting an observer seat in the assembly since 1997.
　台湾当局が９７年から希望していた、世界保健機関（ＷＨＯ）総会へのオブザーバー参加も初めて実現した。

Dropping its traditional opposition to Taiwan's presence in any United Nations organization, China has decided to let Taiwan participate in the assembly.
台湾の国連機関への参加に反対してきた中国が容認に転じたからだ。

The whole world welcomed Beijing's move amid the global spread of the new swine flu.
豚インフルエンザの感染が広がっている中、世界から歓迎された。

Late last year, Hu pledged to deal with issues of Taiwan's participation in international organizations in a reasonable way based on an understanding of the feelings of Taiwanese people.
　胡総書記は昨年末、「台湾同胞の感情を理解し、台湾の国際機構参加には情理にかなった対応をする」と述べていた。

After Taiwan received an invitation to join the assembly meeting, Ma expressed gratitude for China's "goodwill."
このためＷＨＯ参加が決まった後、馬総統は「大陸の善意」に感謝の意を表した。

The thaw between China and Taiwan is also affecting other diplomatic relations.
　中台関係の雪解けは国際関係にも影響を与えている。

In its relations with the United States and Japan, China has traditionally reacted strongly to issues involving Taiwan. But recently, Beijing rarely brings up diplomatic issues concerning Taiwan.
米国や日本との関係で、中国はつねづね台湾問題をめぐって敏感に反応してきた。ところがこのところ、とりあげることすらめったにない。

Yet there is considerable criticism in Taiwan of the Ma administration's policy toward China. On May 17, about 800,000 Taiwanese joined anti-government demonstrations, denouncing the administration's "excessively pro-China" stance, according to organizers.
　とはいえ、馬政権は中国に取りこまれるばかり、という批判は台湾内で小さくない。１７日には主催者発表で約８０万人が参加した反政府デモがあり、「行き過ぎた親中」などと訴えた。

China has not reduced its 1,050 to 1,150 missiles aimed at Taiwan, according to the U.S. Defense Department. These missiles are causing great anxiety among people in Taiwan.
　米国防総省によれば、台湾に向けられた中国のミサイルは１０５０～１１５０基と減っていない。台湾住民の不安の種だ。

We hope China will take a further step toward easing tensions by reducing these missiles. Such a move would demonstrate Beijing's flexibility in dealing with Taiwan-related defense issues in addition to economic ones.
中国がミサイルを減らし、経済だけでなく軍事でも柔軟さを示すという、もう一段の緊張緩和に踏み出すことを期待したい。

市町村合併 特例法後も息長く取り組め

The Yomiuri Shimbun(May. 25, 2009)
Municipal mergers should continue
市町村合併　特例法後も息長く取り組め（5月25日付・読売社説）

Strengthening the administrative and fiscal footing of local governments and establishing frameworks to undertake decentralization--these are admirable basic guiding principles for mergers of municipalities. From a mid- to long-term perspective, it is important to continue such efforts.
　自治体の行財政基盤を強化し、地方分権の受け皿を作る――。市町村合併の基本的な方向性は間違っていない。中長期的な視点から、粘り強く取り組み続けることが肝要だ。

A draft proposal compiled by the local system research council, an advisory panel to the prime minister, suggested that a merger promotion campaign end when the current law aimed at promoting municipal mergers expires at the end of March. The proposal apparently came out of a judgment that there is a limit to the number of municipal mergers that can be encouraged with measures currently employed.
　第２９次地方制度調査会の答申素案は、現行の合併特例法の期限が切れる来年３月末で合併推進運動を一区切りさせる方針を示した。今の手法で市町村合併を促すのは限界があると判断したものだ。

Through the so-called Heisei-era megamergers, the number of municipalities is to decrease from 3,232 in March 1999 to 1,760 or fewer by March 2010.
　「平成の大合併」では、１９９９年３月に３２３２あった市町村数が２０１０年３月には約５５％の１７６０以下に減る見通しだ。

But since April 2006, when special bond issuance as a fiscal assistance measure for municipal mergers was abolished, the rate of decrease has slowed, with a mere 61 communities consolidated through mergers since that time. There still are 471 small municipalities whose population is less than 10,000.
　ただ、合併特例債の発行という財政支援措置がなくなった０６年４月以降の減少は、わずか６１にとどまる。人口１万人未満の小規模自治体が４７１も残されている。

Although it is inevitable to put an end, at least for the moment, to the merger facilitation project, each municipality should voluntarily continue seeking mergers. Both the central and prefectural government should support such moves.
　合併推進運動の一時終了はやむを得ないとしても、各市町村は今後も、自主的な合併を追求し続けるべきだ。政府と都道府県も、側面支援する必要がある。

===

Consolidation brings efficiency

In the draft proposal, the panel called for revising systems to allow joint establishment of internal organizations by a number of municipalities to improve local administrative efficiency as an alternative to a full merger.
　答申素案は、地方行政の効率化のため、合併以外の選択肢として、複数の市町村による内部組織の共同設置などを可能にする制度改正を提言している。

This idea is based on the assumption that organizational functions of attracting businesses and promoting tourism could be shared. Such wide-ranging cooperation among municipalities may possibly start the ball rolling for future mergers. Positive consideration should be given to the idea.
　企業誘致や観光ＰＲの部署などの共有を想定したものだ。こうした市町村の広域連携が、将来の合併の機運を醸成することもあろう。前向きに検討すべきだ。

Municipal mergers are aimed at improving administrative efficiency to cope with a shrinking and aging population coupled with a declining birth rate. The Internal Affairs and Communications Ministry has estimated that such improvement could save as much as 1.8 trillion yen, including a reduction of 540 billion yen in personnel spending, annually in fiscal 2016 and after.
　市町村合併は、人口減少・少子高齢化社会に備えた行政の効率化が目的だ。総務省の試算では、２０１６年度以降の効率化の総額は、５４００億円の人件費節減を含め、年１・８兆円にも上る。

Coupled with reform efforts for decentralization, a plan is being considered to transfer 359 administrative powers under 64 laws from prefectural governments to municipal governments. It is important that transfer of fiscal resources be implemented simultaneously.
　地方分権改革とも連動し、６４の法律の３５９の事務権限を都道府県から市町村に移譲することが検討されている。財源の移譲も同時に実現することが重要だ。

===

Problems remain

Adverse effects, meanwhile, have been pointed out. They include regional confrontations within newly merged municipalities as well as gaps between residents' expectations of improved administrative services and the reality of the actual situations.
　一方で、弊害も指摘されている。合併自治体内の地域対立や、行政サービス向上に対する住民の期待と現実との落差である。

In a series of local elections in April, incumbent candidates ran in 39 mayoral races, but were defeated in 17 cities--all of them newly merged. Dissatisfaction among local residents who complained about the focus of their respective municipalities' administrative work on city centers reportedly was a major factor behind the failure of incumbents to win reelection.
　４月のミニ統一地方選では、現職が出馬した３９市長選のうち、１７市で現職が落選した。いずれも合併市で、背景には、「市の施策が中心部に偏っている」といった市民の不満もあったとされる。

It also is said that the dire financial situation faced by local governments resulting from cuts in tax grants from the central government--part of the so-called triple reform of local finances involving cuts in subsidies, a transfer of tax revenue sources and a review of local tax grants--and sluggishness of regional economies, dealt a blow to the candidates.
　三位一体改革による地方交付税の削減や地方経済の低迷が重なり、自治体財政が困窮していることも影響したようだ。

It is important that newly merged municipalities pay careful attention to regional gaps and implement policy measures to enable residents to feel the benefits of mergers. In some new municipalities, autonomous communal organizations for residents of former towns and villages consolidated through mergers have been set up in an attempt to promote regional development. These kind of efforts should spread more widely.
　合併自治体は、地域格差に目配りしつつ、住民が合併効果を実感できる施策に努めることが大切だ。旧町村に自治組織を設立し、地域振興に取り組んでいる例もある。こうした試みを広げたい。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 25, 2009)
（2009年5月25日01時26分  読売新聞）

香山リカのココロの万華鏡：日本人に多い「昇進うつ」 ／東京

(Mainichi Japan) May 24, 2009
Level-headed approach best way to avoid 'promotion depression'
香山リカのココロの万華鏡：日本人に多い「昇進うつ」　／東京

I wonder how many of you have heard of the word "promotion depression." Let's say a company employee got promoted, and he and the people around him were very excited. Once he started his new position, however, he could not do his work in the way he had anticipated. He then lost his appetite and could not help sighing. By the time he realized it, he was already in a state of depression. This is a specific example of promotion depression.
　突然だが、「昇進うつ」という言葉を知っているだろうか。会社勤めの人などがめでたく出世、本人も周囲も大喜びだったのに、いざ新しい職位についてみると、なんだか思うように仕事に取り組めない。意欲もわかない。そのうち食欲もなくなり、ため息ばかり。気がついたときにはすっかりうつ状態になっている、というのが、この不思議なうつ病の特徴だ。

Promotion depression is thought to be common especially among Japanese who are serious-minded and who have a strong sense of responsibility.
　昇進うつは、責任感が強く生真面目（きまじめ）な日本人にとくに多いと言われる。

For example, the sort of person who says during his speech at a party celebrating his promotion something like, "I sincerely appreciate your support, and I am even more prepared to sacrifice myself for ...," could easily fall into depression because he puts too much pressure on himself and wastes his mental energy.
　昇進のお祝いパーティーで「これもひとえに皆様のご支援のおかげと考えて、いっそう気を引き締めて滅私奉公の姿勢で…」などと硬い表情であいさつするタイプが、自分で自分にプレッシャーをかけすぎるあまり、心のエネルギーを消費してうつ病になってしまうのだ。

Meanwhile, a self-admirer who explodes with joy after getting promoted rather than realizes his responsibility, like some characters in movies, is believed to be less likely to fall into promotion depression.
　一方、昇進などうれしいことがあると、責任を痛感するよりもまず「ワーオ！　オレってすごい！」と自画自賛して喜びを爆発させる、映画に出てくる典型的なアメリカ人のようなタイプは昇進うつにはなりにくい、と考えられていた。

Even in today's Japan, the population of self-centered people has increased, while there have been less promotion depression sufferers.
　日本でも最近、後者の“オレってすごい”タイプが増えてきたので、昇進うつを見る機会も減っていた。

However, I recently saw new "progression disease" cases. To cite an example, let's look at a person who was promoted from section chief to division chief. I will call him "Mr. P."
　ところがこのところ、新しい“昇進病”を続けて見たのだ。話をわかりやすくするために、その人を係長から課長になったＰさんとしておこう。

Mr. P was happy with his promotion because he thought it was a prize for his efforts and abilities. He knew he would be treated way better in his company once he got a higher position. He felt like all the female employees were admiring him. At meetings, Mr. P confidently discussed with management executives, and sometimes he even argued them down.
　Ｐさんは、「この昇進は自分の努力と能力のたまもの」と考えて、気分よくすごしていた。職位が上がると、社内での扱いもまったく変わる。女性社員たちもみな、自分にあこがれの視線を送っているように思えた。会議の席でも、経営陣に対して自信を持って意見を伝え、ときには言い負かすことさえあった。

Mr. P started to act big as if the whole world was revolving around him. He spoke abusively to his boss and repeatedly harassed his female coworkers with sexual comments.
　このようにして「わが世の春」とばかりにＰさんの調子はどんどん上がり、ついには上司を罵倒（ばとう）したり女性社員にセクハラまがいの発言を繰り返したりするようになった。

At this stage, Mr. P was totally in a manic state. He fell not into promotion depression but into "promotion mania."
　ここまで来ると、立派な躁（そう）状態。Ｐさんは、昇進うつならぬ昇進躁病になってしまったのだ。

Fortunately, Mr. P's family noticed his unusual behavior and recommended he go see a doctor as soon as possible. Mr. P managed to start receiving treatment before any major problems occurred at the company. He got better after a while, but he might have ended up quitting the company if he had not recovered.
　幸い、Ｐさんの異常に気づいた家族が早めの受診をすすめ、社内で決定的な問題を起こす前に治療を開始。間もなく躁状態もおさまったが、あのまま行けば会社を辞める羽目になっていただろう。

Thus, you had better not feel too much pressure from your promotion, but it is also dangerous to get overly excited and to flatter yourself. I would say that it is always best to keep yourself level-headed as much as possible. (By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
　つまり、昇進でプレッシャーを感じすぎるのもよくないが、「オレってすごい」と有頂天になりすぎるのも危険、ということだ。いつもなるべく平常心、これがいちばんいいようだ。

毎日新聞　2009年5月19日　地方版

ベトナム 「プラス１」超える関係目指せ

The Yomiuri Shimbun(May. 24, 2009)
Japan, Vietnam envision strategic relationship
ベトナム　「プラス１」超える関係目指せ（5月24日付・読売社説）

Japan can look forward to cooperating with Vietnam in various business fields, including space development.
　ベトナムとは、宇宙など多様な分野でビジネス協力が期待できよう。

Vietnamese Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung has just paid a visit to Japan, following in the footsteps of Vietnamese Communist Party chief Nong Duc Manh, who came here in April.
　ベトナムからズン首相が来日した。４月のマイン共産党書記長に続く首脳の来日である。

In a joint statement issued after a meeting between Manh and Prime Minister Taro Aso, the two countries vowed to work on developing their bilateral relationship into a "strategic partnership." In his talks with Aso, Dung also agreed to promote bilateral economic cooperation in various fields on the basis of the joint statement.
　マイン書記長とは、日越関係を「戦略的パートナーシップ」として発展させるとする共同声明を出した。ズン首相も麻生首相との会談で、共同声明に基づき、さまざまな経済協力を推進することで合意した。

A large number of Japanese companies have advanced into Vietnam recently in pursuit of the so-called China-plus-one strategy: Having made huge investments in China, taking advantage of its cheap, able workforce, they are seeking to enter another country or region as a second production base in consideration of investment risks in China, including mounting labor costs. Vietnam fits the bill.
　ベトナムは近年、「チャイナ・プラス１」の有力国として日系企業の進出が目立っている。中国だけでは人件費高騰などの投資リスクがあるとの理由で、中国に続く第二の生産拠点として進出するパターンだ。

The joint statement seeks not only the promotion of investment by Japanese companies in Vietnam, but also the improvement of the investment environment in Vietnam. With the statement, the attractiveness of doing business in Vietnam, which is known for its diligent workforce and low labor costs, will be further enhanced.
　共同声明は日本企業の投資促進と同時に、ベトナム側の投資環境の改善を盛り込んだ。これにより、勤勉な国民性で知られ、労働力が安いベトナム自体の魅力はさらに高まろう。

In late December, Japan and Vietnam signed an economic partnership agreement. We hope the two countries will quickly ratify the agreement and develop their bilateral economic relationship into one stronger than a relationship based on the China-plus-one strategy.
　昨年暮れには、日越経済連携協定（ＥＰＡ）も締結した。批准を急ぎ、「プラス１」を超える経済関係に発展させたい。

===

High-tech cooperation set

In the joint statement, Japan and Vietnam also agreed to expand their cooperation into new areas, including the space, nuclear and aircraft technology sectors.
　宇宙、原子力、航空などの「新たな分野」に協力を拡大することも、共同声明はうたった。

First of all, the two nations will cooperate to develop small satellites and construct a space technology center in the suburbs of Hanoi. It will be the first time that Japan has provided full-fledged support for another country's space development. It is expected that Japanese companies will build satellites for Vietnam and launch them on Japanese rockets.
　まず、小型衛星の開発やハノイ近郊に予定する宇宙技術センターの建設に協力する。日本が宇宙分野で他国を本格支援する初めてのケースだ。日本企業からの衛星調達、さらには日本のロケットによる打ち上げも期待できる。

Meanwhile, the Economy, Trade and Industry Ministry agreed with the Vietnamese government in May 2008 on cooperation for the start of nuclear power generation in Vietnam in 2020.
　原子力利用では、経済産業省が昨年５月、２０２０年の原子力発電運転開始に向けて協力することでベトナム政府と合意した。

In the field of aircraft technology, Mitsubishi Heavy Industries Ltd. is producing a small passenger jet, dubbed the Mitsubishi Regional Jet, as Japan's second domestically developed plane after the YS-11. Vietnam likely will be a key buyer of the MRJ.
　航空では、三菱重工業がＹＳ―１１以来の“日の丸旅客機”となる小型ジェット旅客機「ＭＲＪ」を開発中だ。ベトナムは、その有力な販売相手になりそうだ。

The global space business is expected to grow at a healthy pace due to the increase in demand for satellites in developing countries. The number of orders for nuclear power plants also is sure to increase, mainly in developing countries, amid growing awareness of the importance of environmental protection. As the development of the MRJ will be supported by a wide range of industries, such as parts and materials manufacturers, it is expected that the MRJ development will create a positive ripple effect on the manufacturing industry as a whole.
　世界の宇宙ビジネスは、途上国の衛星需要の増加から、堅調な伸びを示すと予想されている。原発の建設受注も、環境対策の重要性が認識される中で、途上国を中心に拡大するのは確実だ。ＭＲＪは部品や素材など裾野(すその)が広く、製造業全般に波及効果が見込める。

===

China expanding influence

If Japanese companies are able to pave the way for expansion overseas using Vietnam as a stepping stone, they can expect to reap big rewards.
　ベトナムを端緒に海外展開の道がひらけるなら、日本企業が受けるメリットは大きい。

China also has been strengthening its economic influence in Southeast Asian countries. As Beijing has taken a lead over Japan in cooperation with these countries--especially in the space development field--Tokyo should make more efforts to realize substantive cooperation in this area.
　東南アジア諸国には、中国も経済的な影響力を強めている。特に宇宙分野の協力は日本より先行しているだけに、政府は協力の具体化に力を入れるべきだ。

We hope Japan and Vietnam will strengthen the bilateral relationship so it deserves to be called a strategic partnership.
　「戦略的」の冠に恥じぬよう、日越関係をより強固にしたい。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 24, 2009)
（2009年5月24日01時33分  読売新聞）

ベトナム 「プラス１」超える関係目指せ

The Yomiuri Shimbun(May. 24, 2009)
Japan, Vietnam envision strategic relationship
ベトナム　「プラス１」超える関係目指せ（5月24日付・読売社説）

Japan can look forward to cooperating with Vietnam in various business fields, including space development.
　ベトナムとは、宇宙など多様な分野でビジネス協力が期待できよう。

Vietnamese Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung has just paid a visit to Japan, following in the footsteps of Vietnamese Communist Party chief Nong Duc Manh, who came here in April.
　ベトナムからズン首相が来日した。４月のマイン共産党書記長に続く首脳の来日である。

In a joint statement issued after a meeting between Manh and Prime Minister Taro Aso, the two countries vowed to work on developing their bilateral relationship into a "strategic partnership." In his talks with Aso, Dung also agreed to promote bilateral economic cooperation in various fields on the basis of the joint statement.
　マイン書記長とは、日越関係を「戦略的パートナーシップ」として発展させるとする共同声明を出した。ズン首相も麻生首相との会談で、共同声明に基づき、さまざまな経済協力を推進することで合意した。

A large number of Japanese companies have advanced into Vietnam recently in pursuit of the so-called China-plus-one strategy: Having made huge investments in China, taking advantage of its cheap, able workforce, they are seeking to enter another country or region as a second production base in consideration of investment risks in China, including mounting labor costs. Vietnam fits the bill.
　ベトナムは近年、「チャイナ・プラス１」の有力国として日系企業の進出が目立っている。中国だけでは人件費高騰などの投資リスクがあるとの理由で、中国に続く第二の生産拠点として進出するパターンだ。

The joint statement seeks not only the promotion of investment by Japanese companies in Vietnam, but also the improvement of the investment environment in Vietnam. With the statement, the attractiveness of doing business in Vietnam, which is known for its diligent workforce and low labor costs, will be further enhanced.
　共同声明は日本企業の投資促進と同時に、ベトナム側の投資環境の改善を盛り込んだ。これにより、勤勉な国民性で知られ、労働力が安いベトナム自体の魅力はさらに高まろう。

In late December, Japan and Vietnam signed an economic partnership agreement. We hope the two countries will quickly ratify the agreement and develop their bilateral economic relationship into one stronger than a relationship based on the China-plus-one strategy.
　昨年暮れには、日越経済連携協定（ＥＰＡ）も締結した。批准を急ぎ、「プラス１」を超える経済関係に発展させたい。

===

High-tech cooperation set

In the joint statement, Japan and Vietnam also agreed to expand their cooperation into new areas, including the space, nuclear and aircraft technology sectors.
　宇宙、原子力、航空などの「新たな分野」に協力を拡大することも、共同声明はうたった。

First of all, the two nations will cooperate to develop small satellites and construct a space technology center in the suburbs of Hanoi. It will be the first time that Japan has provided full-fledged support for another country's space development. It is expected that Japanese companies will build satellites for Vietnam and launch them on Japanese rockets.
　まず、小型衛星の開発やハノイ近郊に予定する宇宙技術センターの建設に協力する。日本が宇宙分野で他国を本格支援する初めてのケースだ。日本企業からの衛星調達、さらには日本のロケットによる打ち上げも期待できる。

Meanwhile, the Economy, Trade and Industry Ministry agreed with the Vietnamese government in May 2008 on cooperation for the start of nuclear power generation in Vietnam in 2020.
　原子力利用では、経済産業省が昨年５月、２０２０年の原子力発電運転開始に向けて協力することでベトナム政府と合意した。

In the field of aircraft technology, Mitsubishi Heavy Industries Ltd. is producing a small passenger jet, dubbed the Mitsubishi Regional Jet, as Japan's second domestically developed plane after the YS-11. Vietnam likely will be a key buyer of the MRJ.
　航空では、三菱重工業がＹＳ―１１以来の“日の丸旅客機”となる小型ジェット旅客機「ＭＲＪ」を開発中だ。ベトナムは、その有力な販売相手になりそうだ。

The global space business is expected to grow at a healthy pace due to the increase in demand for satellites in developing countries. The number of orders for nuclear power plants also is sure to increase, mainly in developing countries, amid growing awareness of the importance of environmental protection. As the development of the MRJ will be supported by a wide range of industries, such as parts and materials manufacturers, it is expected that the MRJ development will create a positive ripple effect on the manufacturing industry as a whole.
　世界の宇宙ビジネスは、途上国の衛星需要の増加から、堅調な伸びを示すと予想されている。原発の建設受注も、環境対策の重要性が認識される中で、途上国を中心に拡大するのは確実だ。ＭＲＪは部品や素材など裾野(すその)が広く、製造業全般に波及効果が見込める。

===

China expanding influence

If Japanese companies are able to pave the way for expansion overseas using Vietnam as a stepping stone, they can expect to reap big rewards.
　ベトナムを端緒に海外展開の道がひらけるなら、日本企業が受けるメリットは大きい。

China also has been strengthening its economic influence in Southeast Asian countries. As Beijing has taken a lead over Japan in cooperation with these countries--especially in the space development field--Tokyo should make more efforts to realize substantive cooperation in this area.
　東南アジア諸国には、中国も経済的な影響力を強めている。特に宇宙分野の協力は日本より先行しているだけに、政府は協力の具体化に力を入れるべきだ。

We hope Japan and Vietnam will strengthen the bilateral relationship so it deserves to be called a strategic partnership.
　「戦略的」の冠に恥じぬよう、日越関係をより強固にしたい。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 24, 2009)
（2009年5月24日01時33分  読売新聞）

島サミット 環境協力できずなを深めたい

The Yomiuri Shimbun(May. 23, 2009)
Japan should cement ties with Pacific isles at forum
島サミット　環境協力できずなを深めたい（5月23日付・読売社説）

Through providing cooperation in the fields of environment and marine development to small island nations in the Pacific Ocean, Japan, which has nearly 7,000 isolated islands, will also enjoy benefits in the form of acquired expertise in those areas.
　太平洋に浮かぶ島嶼(とうしょ)国に対する環境や海洋開発分野の協力は、そこで得た知見が７０００近くの離島を持つ日本自身にも役立つことになろう。

With the participation of leaders and representatives of the Pacific Islands Forum, which comprises 14 nations and regions in the Pacific as well as Australia and New Zealand, the two-day Japan-Pacific Islands Forum summit meeting began Friday in Hokkaido. The triannual meeting is the fifth since 1997.
　太平洋の１４か国・地域に豪州、ニュージーランドを加えた太平洋諸島フォーラム（ＰＩＦ）の首脳や代表を招き、太平洋・島サミットが北海道で開かれている。１９９７年以来３年ごとに開催しており、今回で５回目だ。

At the meeting, Prime Minister Taro Aso proposed the creation of a "Pacific environment community," and the participants agreed to work together in dealing with climate change as partners sharing the Pacific.
　会議では、麻生首相が「太平洋環境共同体」構想を提唱し、太平洋を共有するパートナーとして環境・気候変動問題に取り組むことで合意した。

===

EEZ's potential in focus

For small island nations that have been suffering chronic shortages of power and water, the main pillar of the ongoing cooperation is to spread Japan's advanced environmental technology, including solar power generation and seawater desalination.
　慢性的な電力や水の不足に悩む島嶼国に対し、太陽光発電や海水淡水化技術など、日本の先進環境技術を普及させることが協力の柱となる。

Japan's solar power generation technology converts solar energy to electricity at a rate among the most efficient in the world. As for seawater desalination technology, Japanese companies have 60 percent of the global market share in the field of reverse osmosis membrane water purification systems.
　日本の太陽光発電技術は、光エネルギーの電気への変換効率が世界最高水準だ。淡水化でも、日本企業の逆浸透膜式浄水システムは世界で６割の占有率を誇る。

In Tuvalu and Kiribati, which are in danger of disappearing beneath the waves due to their low elevation, technologies developed as conservation measures for Okinotorishima island may be useful, including coral transplantation and a technology that creates sand by placing active electrodes in seawater.
　海抜が低く水没の危機に瀕(ひん)するツバルやキリバスなどでは、日本が沖ノ鳥島の保全策として取り組んできたサンゴの増殖や、海水に通電して砂地を造成する技術開発が役立ちそうだ。

The provision of cooperation in such fields is expected to yield the side benefit of the transmission of Japan's scientific and technological capabilities to the rest of the world.
　こうした分野の協力は、日本の科学技術力を世界に発信する副次的な効果も期待できるだろう。

Japan and small island nations in the Pacific share common development potential and tasks as they all consist of islands scattered across the ocean and have vast exclusive economic zones.
　日本と太平洋島嶼国は、海に点在する島々からなり、広大な排他的経済水域（ＥＥＺ）を有する点で、共通の開発ポテンシャル（潜在力）と課題を持つ。

An EEZ is a sea zone over which a country has economic rights in respect of the exploration and use of underground and marine resources. In recent years, Japan has begun full-fledged work on the development of its EEZ.
　ＥＥＺは沿岸国に地下資源や漁業資源などの経済的権利を認めるもので、日本も近年、ＥＥＺの開発に本格的に取り組み出した。

However, it is not properly utilizing its about 400 inhabited isolated islands and about 6,400 uninhabited islands, although some of them could serve as hubs for EEZ development.
　だが、４００余の有人離島と６４００余の無人島には、ＥＥＺ開発の拠点になり得る島があるにもかかわらず、十分に活用されてきたとは言い難い。

By advancing technological research on the generation of electricity through the utilization of tidal currents and differences in sea temperatures, and research into offshore fish farming, the government should promote the nation's isolated islands and develop its EEZ. Knowledge acquired through such research will also contribute to providing cooperation for small island nations.
　潮流や海水温度差を利用した発電、沖合養殖などの技術研究を進め、日本の離島の振興や周辺ＥＥＺの開発につなげるべきだ。それを通じて得たノウハウは島嶼国の協力にも寄与するだろう。

===

China, Taiwan dangling carrots

China and Taiwan have been rolling out diplomatic initiatives to boost ties with small island nations in the Pacific by offering huge amount of economic assistance. For the purpose of corralling nations with diplomatic ties, they have hosted multicountry meetings similar to the Japan-Pacific Islands Forum summit.
　太平洋島嶼国に対しては、中国と台湾が、多額な援助を武器に国交を働きかける外交合戦を展開している。国交を持つ国を囲い込む形で、島サミットを模した多国間会議も主宰している。

The fact that a field in which Japan is a leader--environmental technology--was picked as the main pillar of the cooperation will highlight the difference between its cooperation and China's assistance diplomacy. We hope respect will be paid to the framework of the Japan-Pacific Islands Forum summit and that cooperation among its members will be strengthened.
　日本が優位に立つ環境分野を協力の柱に据えたことは、中国の援助外交との違いを際立たせよう。ＰＩＦの枠組みを尊重し、協力関係を強化していきたい。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 23, 2009)
（2009年5月23日02時05分  読売新聞）

小沢代表辞任―政権選択に向け再起動を

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 12(IHT/Asahi: May 13,2009)
EDITORIAL: Ozawa steps down
小沢代表辞任―政権選択に向け再起動を

Minshuto (Democratic Party of Japan) President Ichiro Ozawa finally announced his resignation on Monday. Had he acted sooner, we believe, his party would have been better able to cut its losses.
　民主党の小沢代表がようやく辞意を表明した。妥当な判断だ。もっと早く踏み切っていれば、民主党が被った損失は小さくて済んだろう。

During the two months since Ozawa's state-paid aide was arrested in early March in connection with suspected illegal donations from Nishimatsu Construction Co., public opinion demanding Ozawa's resignation grew increasingly severe. This situation even helped raise the approval ratings for the abysmally unpopular Cabinet of Prime Minister Taro Aso.
　西松建設の違法献金事件で公設第１秘書が逮捕されてから２カ月余。代表の職にとどまった小沢氏に対する世論の逆風は強まる一方だった。それが、超低空飛行だった麻生内閣の支持率を上向かせることにもなった。

Recouping will not be easy
■容易でない党勢回復

The next Lower House election must take place by September. But with Ozawa staying on as Minshuto leader, the party could suffer a defeat in the election and lose its chance to attain its long-held goal of seizing the reins of government. We believe it was this sense of crisis that ultimately made Ozawa decide to step down.
　このままでは、秋までに必ずある総選挙での勝利、つまり年来の目標である政権交代の実現が遠のく。そんな危機感からの決断なのだろう。

At his news conference Monday evening, Ozawa said, "In order to bring about a change of government, I am willingly sacrificing myself and resigning from my post." He also said, "By burning my own bridges, I am making absolutely sure that my party will triumph (in the next election)."
　昨夕、記者会見した小沢氏は「政権交代の実現に向け、あえてこの身をなげうち、職を辞する」「身を捨て、必ず勝利する」などと述べた。

Another factor that must have precipitated Ozawa's decision to step down was the recent emergence of moves within Minshuto to force him out. Until then, most party members had remained silent or noncommittal, at least on the surface.
　もう一つ、これまで小沢氏批判が大きな声にはならなかった党内に、辞任を促す動きが表面化してきたことも、決断を後押ししたに違いない。

Since his aide's arrest, Ozawa has remained openly defiant of the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office, vowing to take them on. During Monday's news conference, too, Ozawa stressed that his conscience was "completely clear." It is possible that one reason why Ozawa dug in his heels for as long as two months was that he feared his resignation could be seen as an admission of defeat to the prosecutors.
　秘書の逮捕以来、小沢氏は全面的に検察と争う姿勢をあらわにしてきた。昨夕の記者会見でも「一点もやましいことはない」と強調した。辞任すれば検察への屈服ととられかねない。そうした思いが、小沢氏の身を固くさせていた面もあろう。

The prosecutors have not yet declared an end to the investigation, but people's attention is now beginning to turn to the first court hearing of Ozawa's aide, which will be held shortly.
　検察はまだ捜査終結を宣言してはいないが、焦点は近く開かれる事件の初公判に向き始めている。

We believe Ozawa is now prepared to use the trial to challenge the manner in which prosecutors investigated the case and arrested his aide. We also expect Ozawa to take issue with prosecutors over the illegality of Nishimatsu's donations.
小沢氏とすれば、公設秘書の逮捕という強制捜査の手法や、献金の違法性などについて、今後は裁判の場で争っていくということなのだろう。

Minshuto is wasting no time in proceeding with the selection of Ozawa's successor, but it will not be easy for the party to regroup.
　民主党はただちに新代表選びの作業にとりかかるが、党勢の回復は容易なことではない。

Before the Nishimatsu scandal came to light, Minshuto was on a roll and looked as if it was poised to seize power any day. But the party has since stalled. It revealed its inner turmoil in its inability to take a clear-cut position on many of the bills presented to the Diet, including budget bills. As well, the work of preparing its manifesto for the next Lower House election has been put on hold.
　この事件が表面化する前、民主党の勢いには政権交代前夜のおもむきさえあった。それが一気に失速しただけではない。この２カ月というもの、国会に提出された多くの法案や予算案について、すっきりとした対応が定まらず、総選挙向けのマニフェストづくりの作業はほぼストップしていた。

Explaining policies to voters
■開かれた代表選びを

Why did Ozawa keep receiving huge donations from the general contractor for many years? Minshuto has vehemently denounced collusion involving politicians, bureaucrats and businesses in connection with public works projects and promised to radically change the "structure of the nation." Was Ozawa not the very antipode of what the party stood for?
　小沢氏がなぜゼネコンから長年にわたって巨額の献金を受けていたのか。公共事業をめぐる政官業の癒着を厳しく指弾し、「国のかたち」を抜本的に変えると主張してきた民主党なのに、その基本姿勢と矛盾するのではないのか。

Not only Ozawa, but also the rest of the party failed to address these obvious questions that many voters were asking.
そうした世間の批判に、小沢氏本人だけでなく、民主党もほおかむりしてきた。

Now the party has to undo all the damage caused by letting voters' mistrust fester and grow.
　この不信感の集積を、ぬぐわねばならないのだ。

If Minshuto thinks it can automatically regain the public's trust once a new president is in place, it could not be more mistaken.
新代表になればまた自動的に支持が取り戻せると思っているのなら、大きな間違いだ。

The election of the new president ought to take the form of multiple candidates competing on their policies. While the election's effects on Diet deliberations should be kept minimal, the party nevertheless needs to take innovative, proactive steps to take policy debates outside its walls so that the voting public can judge the party's principles and goals.
　代表選挙は、複数の候補者が政見を競い合う形にすべきだろう。国会審議への影響は最小限にしなければならないが、民主党が目指す政策や理念についての論争を党外に積極的にさらし、有権者にもその是非を考えてもらえる工夫をする必要がある。

Another thing the party must do is outgrow its habitual reliance on Ozawa as the "problem fixer" and establish a new party persona under the new leader.
　そして、何かといえば「小沢氏頼み」になりがちだった党の体質を、新代表のもとで刷新することだ。

Ozawa was elected president three years ago to get Minshuto out of the mess over the fake e-mail fiasco. Ozawa then went on to prove his competence by leading the party to a historic victory in the 2007 Upper House election that brought the chamber under opposition control.
　偽メール騒動で混迷した党の苦境を引き受け、小沢氏が代表に選ばれたのは３年前。その真骨頂は０７年の参院選での与野党逆転だった。

A former member of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party and a brilliant election strategist, Ozawa is thoroughly familiar with the ins and outs of LDP-style campaigning. And having held a series of key LDP posts, Ozawa has remained one of the biggest names in Japanese politics.
　自民党の手の内を知り尽くし、選挙戦術にたけた老練さ。抜群の知名度。

His background and personality have sometimes made a good number of voters and Minshuto members uneasy. Yet for Minshuto, which appeared weak, Ozawa was seen as a potent strongman indispensable in the party's quest for power.
民主党内にも有権者の側にも、かつて自民党の中枢にいた小沢氏の過去や体質への懸念がなかったわけではない。それでも、どこかひ弱な民主党にとって、その腕力は政権につくのに欠かせない「劇薬」と受け止められた。

Ozawa was likened to a strong but potentially lethal medicine for Minshuto. And sure enough, he caused some "side effects." For instance, since Ozawa became president, some of the party's signature policies disappeared from the campaign platform. They included a plan to raise the consumption tax to finance social security spending, and a promise to ban political donations from companies awarded contracts for public works projects.
　副作用もあった。小沢代表になってから、社会保障財源のための消費税引き上げ、公共事業受注企業からの献金禁止といった民主党独自の政策が、いつの間にか政権公約から姿を消した。

As for Minshuto's policies concerning the introduction of child-support allowance and the elimination of tolls for expressways, the ruling coalition and others attacked them as "lacking in viable funding plans."
高速道路の無料化や子ども手当などの政策には「財源の裏付けがない」という与党などの批判が浴びせられた。

In diplomacy, Ozawa made a series of eyebrow-raising comments that deviated from the party's basic position. For example, he caused a stir when he told reporters in February, "The U.S. Navy's 7th Fleet is enough to secure the U.S. military presence in the Far East."
　外交面でも、例えば「第７艦隊で米国の極東におけるプレゼンスは十分」などといった、小沢氏の迷走発言が続いた。

LDP also accountable
■自民も問われる責任

In 2007, Ozawa tried to pull an arbitrary stunt by negotiating with then Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda to form a grand coalition with the LDP. The attempt backfired, and Ozawa expressed his intention to resign, which he retracted a couple of days later.
But as this episode illustrated, our impression of Minshuto under Ozawa's leadership was that it was overtly and almost shamelessly ambitious in its quest for the reins of government, and that the party's policies were secondary to political jockeying.
　小沢氏がトップダウンで進めようとした自民党との大連立構想こそ頓挫したものの、小沢時代の民主党は「政策より政局」「何はともあれ政権に」の権力志向があまりにも前面に出ていなかったか。

Minshuto must now rush to reshape its foreign and domestic policies.
　内政、外交の両面で、政策を練り直す作業を急がねばなるまい。

Should Minshuto succeed in recovering from the mess, it will be the Aso administration's turn to face the public's scrutiny.
　民主党が態勢を立て直すことになれば、今度は麻生政権が改めて問われることになるだろう。

Although the Cabinet's approval ratings have risen after plunging to an abysmal 13 percent, opinion polls still show that nearly 60 percent of the respondents do not support the Cabinet. This is certainly not a figure that Aso can take lightly.
　一時は１０％台前半に落ち込んだ内閣支持率こそ上向きだしたものの、世論調査では相変わらず６割の人が麻生内閣を「支持しない」と答えている。軽く見ていい数字ではない。

Whether the LDP can win the next election under Aso has been a nagging concern among LDP members, and their voices may grow louder in the coming days.
　麻生首相で本当に選挙に勝てるのか、そんな不安の声が再び自民党内で大きくなる場面もあるかもしれない。

It is now the responsibility of our elected representatives, especially members of the nation's two major political parties--the LDP and Minshuto--to make sure that the next Lower House election will truly enable voters to elect a government of their choice.
　次の総選挙を、真の意味で国民による政権選択の選挙にすること。それが政治、とりわけ２大政党の自民、民主両党に課せられた責任だ。

Faced with the serious economic downturn and other problems, such as the aging of society, low birthrate and declining population, the nation is undergoing a period of major transition.
　深刻な不況をはじめ、少子高齢化、人口減少などさまざまな面で、日本は大転換期にある。

In fighting a Lower House election at such a time, the LDP and Minshuto alike must compete on the persuasiveness of their respective policies and the personal appeal of their respective leaders.
そんな中で迎える総選挙だ。両党とも指導者の魅力と政策の説得力を競わねばならない。

Which party will shape up first to gain campaigning advantage? There is not much time left.
どちらが先に態勢を整えられるか。残された時間は少ない。

社説：鳩山民主新代表 政権獲得へ骨太な「芯」を

(Mainichi Japan) May 17, 2009
Eyes fixed on Hatoyama's ability to implement his own election pledges
社説：鳩山民主新代表　政権獲得へ骨太な「芯」を

Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) Secretary-General Yukio Hatoyama has become the new leader of the largest opposition party by beating opponent Katsuya Okada in the party's leadership election to replace Ichiro Ozawa.
　小沢一郎代表の辞任に伴う民主党代表選は鳩山由紀夫幹事長が岡田克也副代表を破り、新代表となった。

Hatoyama again assumed the top post of the party that he left more than six years ago, and is set to compete with Prime Minister Taro Aso for the top government position in the House of Representatives general election that will called within four months.
党首を辞して６年以上を経ての再登板であり、４カ月以内に迫る衆院選で麻生太郎首相と首相の座を争う。

Following his victory, Hatoyama called for the party to go on the offensive in a unified bid to take over the reins of government under the slogan "Clean up Japan." However, his hasty election as party leader with the backing of his predecessor Ozawa has given the public the impression that he was elevated to the post in a closed process.
　鳩山氏は代表選勝利を受け党の結束を訴え「日本の大掃除をやろう」と政権交代に向け党の反転攻勢を誓った。とはいえ、小沢氏の後押しを得てあわただしく代表に選ばれた過程は、国民に閉ざされた印象を与えたと言わざるを得ない。

The upcoming Lower House race to choose the next prime minister will be a competition of party leaders' abilities. The DPJ will lose support from voters if it reveals a dual power structure in which Hatoyama leads the party under the clout of Ozawa. Hatoyama must demonstrate his ability as party leader by working out the party's manifesto himself.
　首相を選ぶ「決勝戦」となる衆院選は、党首力の勝負である。小沢氏との二重権力構造がみえれば、民意は離れよう。政権公約重視の原点に立ち返り、独自の力量を証さなければならない。

Ozawa was instrumental in sweeping Hatoyama to party leadership. Hatoyama beat deputy leader Okada, who opinion polls showed had garnered wider support from the public, by a margin of nearly 30 votes. This demonstrated that he was backed by major intraparty groups, including one led by Ozawa and his own group. Ozawa will thus maintain his influence on party management.
　鳩山氏を党首に引き上げた力の源泉は小沢氏である。世論調査などの支持で岡田氏に後れを取りながらの約３０票差の勝利は、参院を中心に鳩山、小沢両氏のグループなど基礎票の優位を物語った。小沢氏の影響力は厳然と維持された。

Ozawa's resignation was an opportunity for the DPJ, which had been on the defensive following a political donation scandal involving Ozawa's top aide, to start over. However, the race ended up being an inward-looking struggle between pro- and anti-Ozawa members.
　小沢氏の辞任は守勢に回った党が出直す好機だった。しかし、一騎打ちも結局は「親小沢ＶＳ非小沢」の内向きな闘争に終わってしまった。

Ozawa was forced to resign even though he had once declared that he would stay on, because the public rejected his old-fashioned approach which raised questions over politics and money. He stepped down without taking responsibility for the indictment of his state-paid secretary over the political donation scandal. If he continues to assume control over the party, it would be viewed as the revival of a dual structure of power in the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in which he wielded influence on the ruling party as secretary-general. Whether Hatoyama can appoint top party officials at his own discretion, with or without Ozawa, and repair the crack that has developed within the party will be tested.
　いったん続投宣言した小沢氏が辞任に追い込まれたのは、政治とカネをめぐる古い体質が国民に拒まれたためだ。公設秘書起訴の責任を語らぬまま代表から身を引き、なお党の実権を掌握するのであれば、あたかも自民党時代の権力の二重構造の再来である。だからこそ、鳩山氏は小沢氏の処遇も含め、自前の人事で党の亀裂を修復できるかが、まずは厳しく問われよう。

The important thing is his ability to demonstrate a new style of politics that he is aiming to build up through a manifesto. His slogan, "politics full of love," is abstract. When his call for love in politics was ridiculed during a debate as being like "soft serve ice cream" that easily melts, he countered by saying it was like an "ice lolly" that has a solid stick in the center. However, his appeal to the public still lacks in drive. In particular, it is doubtful whether he can convince the public that enough funds can be secured to cover social security programs while closing off discussions on a consumption-tax hike. The pledge he made during the leadership election to break down politics dominated by bureaucrats has not been accompanied by specific ways to achieve this goal.
　重要なのは、政権公約を通じて新しい政治の姿をアピールする発信力だ。鳩山氏が掲げる「愛のある政治」との表現は抽象的だ。かつて「（甘く溶けやすい）ソフトクリーム」とやゆされたことを受け、芯のある「アイスキャンディー」と討論で反論したが、まだまだか細い。特に消費税の引き上げ論議を当面封印したままで、社会保障の財源など政権担当能力を証明できるだろうか。代表選で前面に掲げた「脱官僚」の実現にしても、具体的な政権構想が示されたとは言い難い。

Since the DPJ has elected its new leader, the focus will shift to when Prime Minister Aso will dissolve the Lower House for a snap general election. The ruling coalition is criticizing what it calls a dual power structure in which Hatoyama manages the party under the influence of Ozawa. However, the Aso administration remains unpopular with the public as opinion polls show that the approval rating for his Cabinet is less than 30 percent.
　新代表誕生に伴い、焦点は麻生首相による衆院解散の判断に絞られる。与党は早くも「小沢院政」批判に力を入れるが、内閣支持率が依然３割に満たぬ厳しさに変わりはない。

It is true that potential issues during the upcoming general election came to the fore though discussions during the DPJ leadership race. The LDP must also demonstrate its own manifesto to the public at an early date.
　消費税など財源問題、政治資金規制、「政と官」のあり方など、代表選をめぐる議論は極めて短期ながら衆院選の争点の輪郭を浮かび上がらせたことも事実だ。自民党もまた、明確な政権公約を国民に早急に示さなければならない。

毎日新聞　2009年5月17日　東京朝刊

ＣＯ２中期目標 「京都」の二の舞いを避けよ

The Yomiuri Shimbun(May. 18, 2009)
Kyoto Protocol overreach must not be repeated
ＣＯ２中期目標　「京都」の二の舞いを避けよ（5月18日付・読売社説）

To what extent should the amount of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gas emissions be reduced by 2020? As the government is finalizing a mid-term goal on the issue, it is important to set a realistic and achievable numerical target.
　二酸化炭素（ＣＯ２）など温室効果ガスの排出量を２０２０年までにどれだけ削減するか。大詰めを迎えた中期目標の策定に当たっては、実現可能な数値にすることが何より重要である。

Prime Minister Taro Aso is to finalize the nation's mid-term goal in June. As the basis for discussions, a government panel has presented six options whose emission targets range from an increase of 4 percent to a decrease of 25 percent in comparison to the 1990 level.
　麻生首相は、日本としての中期目標を６月に最終決定する。それを前に、政府の懇談会が、１９９０年比で４％増から２５％減までの六つの選択肢を示した。

A mid-term goal would be important since it would directly link to a new international framework on emission cuts that will succeed the Kyoto Protocol in 2013. Numerical targets that the government hammers out likely will become the minimum level that Japan is to take on under the post-Kyoto accord framework, for which talks are set to be completed by the end of this year.
　中期目標が重要なのは、２０１３年以降の国際的な枠組みとなる「ポスト京都議定書」に直結するためである。政府が打ち出す数値が、今年末に交渉期限を迎えるポスト京都で日本に課せられる削減率の最低ラインとなるだろう。

The European Union has declared a mid-term goal of reducing emissions by 20 percent from the 1990 level. The United States hopes to cut its emissions to the 1990 level. Environment Minister Tetsuo Saito has said that Japan also needs to have "an ambitious goal."
　欧州連合は９０年比２０％減という中期目標を掲げている。米国の目標は９０年と同レベルにすることだ。斉藤環境相は「日本も野心的な目標が必要だ」としている。

===

Don't set unreachable goal

But setting a goal that is too demanding likely would prove troublesome for the nation, as the Kyoto Protocol has shown.
　だが、過度な目標設定は、自らの首を絞めることになる。京都議定書がそれを物語っている。

For Japan, which already has advanced energy-saving systems, it is difficult to achieve the reduction of 6 percent from the 1990 level as stipulated in the Kyoto Protocol. Despite its strained fiscal situation, the nation has set aside about 200 billion yen over the last four years to purchase emission quotas from other nations in order to cover the shortfall in the reduction target.
　省エネルギーが進んだ日本にとって、京都議定書で課せられた９０年比６％減の達成は困難だ。実際、厳しい財政事情にもかかわらず、この４年間で約２０００億円を計上して他国から排出枠を購入し、削減の不足分を補っている。

This kind of foolishness must not be repeated.
　このような愚策を繰り返してはならない。

Under the post-Kyoto Protocol framework, it would be essential that China and India be required to fulfill their respective responsibilities as large emitters. To get the two nations to join the same framework, advanced nations need to show a willingness to cooperate on emission cuts.
　ポスト京都では、大量排出国の中国、インドも応分の責任を果たすことが不可欠である。両国を同じ枠組みに引き入れるには、先進国が協調して排出量を削減する姿勢を示す必要があるだろう。

For Japan, however, it is not an easy task to achieve the same level of reduction as the United States and some other nations that still have much to do to cut emissions. How to ensure fairness among advanced nations in this regard is a key concern as well.
　ただ、日本にとって、削減余地の大きい米国などと同じ割合を減らすのは容易でない。先進国間でどのように公平性を確保するかも重要なポイントである。

===

Seek realistic target

The six proposed options include one under which a reduction target is set at 25 percent for advanced nations as a whole with those nations being assigned different target rates in accordance with the degree of progress made in their energy-saving efforts. Under this scenario, Japan would have a target of an increase of 1 percent to a decrease of 5 percent from the 1990 level. This seems to be a realistic idea.
　六つの選択肢の中に、先進国全体の削減率を２５％として、省エネの進み具合に応じ、各国に削減率を割り振る方式がある。これだと日本は「１％増～５％減」になる。現実的な考え方といえよう。

Another option sets a target of 7 percent reduction with maximum use of cutting-edge energy-saving technology. This scenario is based on such an assumption that half of new cars sold are next-generation models. It is difficult to determine the feasibility of this option.
　最先端の省エネ機器を最大限導入し、「７％減」を目指す選択肢もある。販売される新車の半数が次世代自動車になることなどを想定している。実現の可能性を見極めるのはなかなか難しい。

Japan has a long-term goal of reducing emissions by 60 percent to 80 percent from the current level by 2050. To achieve that goal it is important to try to establish a society that does not rely on oil and other fossil fuels.
　日本は５０年に現状より６０～８０％削減するという長期目標を掲げている。これを目指し、石油などに依存しない脱化石燃料社会の構築に努力するのは大切なことだ。

What should be done in the process of setting a mid-term goal is to build the foundations of a society that does not rely on fossil fuels, rather than to compete over levels of emission reduction rates.
　削減率を競うより、脱化石燃料社会の基盤を築く。それが中期目標の期間になすべきことだ。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 18, 2009)
（2009年5月18日02時02分  読売新聞）

鳩山民主党 小沢路線踏襲は理解されるか

The Yomiuri Shimbun(May. 17, 2009)
DPJ post-Ozawa course must be constructive
鳩山民主党　小沢路線踏襲は理解されるか（5月17日付・読売社説）

Through its choice of Yukio Hatoyama as leader, the main opposition Democratic Party of Japan has chosen not to rethink the course taken by former party leader Ichiro Ozawa, and will instead follow a similar line.
　民主党は、小沢路線の見直しでなく、踏襲を選択した。

The question now is whether Hatoyama's approach will secure public understanding and support.
問題は、その選択が国民に理解・支持されるかどうかだ。

On Saturday, DPJ Secretary General Hatoyama was elected the party's new president. Rival Vice President Katsuya Okada closed the gap that early opinion polls suggested existed, but he was unable to prevail.
　民主党の新しい代表に鳩山由紀夫幹事長（６２）が選出された。岡田克也副代表（５５）は追い上げたが、及ばなかった。

Hatoyama, 62, was party secretary general for more than 3-1/2 years and established a good relationship with factional groups within the party. He also received much praise from DPJ lawmakers as a safe pair of hands in the position.
　鳩山代表は３年半以上、幹事長を務め、党内各グループと良好な関係を築いた。安定感とバランス感覚が評価された。

The main reason for his victory, though, was that he was able to expand his support base to DPJ lawmakers in the House of Councillors, who hold almost half of the party's Diet seats.
党所属国会議員の約半数を占める参院で支持を広げたことが勝因となった。

Fifty-five-year-old Okada, meanwhile, was praised by DPJ lawmakers for his clean image, and appeared in opinion polls to have more public support than Hatoyama and came out on top in a survey by DPJ prefectural chapters.
　岡田氏はクリーンな印象が評価され、世論調査や民主党の地方県連の予備調査で、鳩山代表より高い支持を得た。

Many DPJ lawmakers in the House of Representatives said they had expected Okada to be the party's "front man" for the next general election.
衆院議員には「総選挙の顔」との期待があった。

Saturday's contest came down largely to the issue of how similar the two candidates were to Ozawa.
　代表選は、小沢一郎前代表との距離が大きな対立軸となった。

Hatoyama stated clearly his belief that the party is what it is today because of Ozawa, and emphasized his intention to continue the course mapped out by Ozawa.
　鳩山代表は、「小沢氏のおかげで今日の民主党がある」と言明し、小沢路線を継承、発展させる方針を前面に掲げた。

Okada, for his part, had praised Ozawa's performance in steering the DPJ to victory in the 2007 upper house election. But he also had distanced himself from Ozawa's policy line, and some of his comments were tinged with criticism.
　岡田氏は、２００７年参院選で勝利した小沢氏の実績を評価しながらも、小沢路線とは距離を置き、批判もにじませた。

===

Weaning party off Ozawa?

For better or worse, the DPJ has relied heavily on Ozawa's strong personality and leadership. Hatoyama intends to appoint Ozawa to an important post in the party's new leadership, meaning Ozawa will still retain influence in the party.
　良くも悪くも、民主党は小沢氏の強烈な個性と指導力に依存してきた。鳩山代表は新体制でも、小沢氏を要職に起用する意向で、小沢氏の影響力は維持される。

Hatoyama has said he will not allow his regime to be dismissed as a puppet with Ozawa pulling the strings. But ensuring this will require tangible action, including by showing his independence through his management of the party and Diet.
　鳩山代表は、「小沢の傀儡(かいらい)政権と呼ばれるつもりは一切ない」と言う。党運営や国会対策を通じて「鳩山色」を出すなど、行動で示すことが求められよう。

Hatoyama will have to move quickly to establish a unified approach within the party to the next lower house election. He also will be tasked with bolstering a party scarred by a scandal in which one of Ozawa's secretaries was arrested and indicted over the taking and false reporting of illegal donations from a scandal-tainted general contractor.

===

DPJ platform needs clarity

But doing all this will not be easy.

One place to start would be to flesh out and improve the contents of the party manifesto.
　鳩山代表が早急に取り組むべきは、衆院選に向けて、挙党一致体制を構築し、小沢氏の「政治とカネ」の問題で傷ついた党の立て直しを図ることだろう。ただ、それは簡単な作業ではない。

　政権公約の充実も課題だ。

It was reasonable for Okada to state that policies would not be put into practice without adequate financial resources. If the DPJ does not even allow party members to discuss a possible consumption tax rate hike, it can hardly be regarded as a responsible party. The DPJ should not avoid clarifying where the financial resources for policies--including allowances for infants and a program to compensate farmers for income shortfalls--will come from.
　岡田氏が「財源なくして政策なし」と主張したのはもっともだ。将来の消費税率引き上げの議論さえ封印するのでは、責任政党とは言えない。子ども手当、農家の所得補償などの政策の財源を明確化する作業を避けてはなるまい。

It also is necessary for the DPJ to map out comprehensive diplomatic and security policies.
　包括的な外交・安全保障政策も策定する必要がある。

Although the DPJ acknowledges the importance of the Japan-U.S. alliance, it emphasizes only that Japan should be up-front with the United States. The DPJ should instead say what it can do to strengthen the alliance and clearly outline what kind of responsibilities Japan should be shouldering in the international community.
　民主党は、日米同盟の重要性は認めながら、米国に注文する姿勢ばかりを強調している。日本が国際社会でどんな役割を担い、同盟強化に何をするかをこそ、明確に打ち出すべきだろう。

In the Diet session this week, attention will be focused on deliberations at the upper house on the fiscal 2009 supplementary budget. Hatoyama indicated the DPJ would not try to delay deliberations and that he would be receptive to debate between himself and Prime Minister Taro Aso.
　週明けの国会では、補正予算案の参院審議が焦点となる。鳩山代表は、審議の引き延ばしはしない方針を示す一方で、党首討論の開催にも前向きの姿勢を示した。

We hope under its new leadership the DPJ will tackle Diet affairs constructively.
建設的な国会対応を期待したい。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 17, 2009)
（2009年5月17日01時24分  読売新聞）

どうなる日本？

少子高齢化、景気の停滞、地球温暖化にオゾン層の破壊、日本はこの先どうなっていくのでしょうか？
私は特に若い人の年金が心配です。
年金受給年齢を６０才から６５才に５年も繰り下げてしまって、とんでもないことだと思っています。
この５年間のうちに、経済的に成り立たなくなって命を絶つ人が出ないことを願っています。

srachai from khonkaen, thailand

社説：鳩山ＶＳ岡田 勝敗は政見で決せよ

(Mainichi Japan) May 15, 2009
DPJ leadership candidates should compete on policies
社説：鳩山ＶＳ岡田　勝敗は政見で決せよ

The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) leadership election on Saturday will be a duel between Secretary-General Yukio Hatoyama and deputy leader Katsuya Okada. Most legislators close to outgoing leader Ichiro Ozawa are supporting Hatoyama while younger politicians who distance themselves from Ozawa played a key role in fielding Okada. It is virtually a race between pro- and anti-Ozawa politicians within the largest opposition party.
　国民の目に魅力ある戦いとせねばならない。小沢一郎代表の辞任表明に伴う民主党代表選は鳩山由紀夫幹事長と岡田克也副代表による一騎打ちの構図が固まった。小沢氏のグループが鳩山氏を支持する一方、岡田氏は小沢氏と距離を置く中堅・若手が擁立の中心となり「親小沢ＶＳ非小沢」勢力の対決色が強まっている。

The leadership election will select the party's candidate for prime minister as the next general election for the powerful House of Representatives is to be held before September.
If party members elect their next leader only by whether the candidates are pro- or anti-Ozawa, the race would not be worthy of being called a prelude to the general election that will choose the next government. Even though the campaign period is short, both candidates are obligated to compete on policies to show whether they are capable of taking over the reins of government. The party's ability -- in terms of both its policies and its management -- is being tested in the leadership race.
　今代表選は次の衆院選に向け首相候補を決める舞台であり、派閥的なグループの連携や小沢氏との距離感で新代表を選んでは、政権選択の前哨戦の名が泣く。１６日の投票を控え選挙期間は限られるが、政権を担い得るかの政見を両候補は競う責務がある。政策、体質とも党の力量が問われる局面である。

At their respective news conferences on Thursday, both Hatoyama and Okada declared that they will endeavor to maintain and strengthen the unity of the party following the race.
　鳩山、岡田両氏とも１４日の記者会見では、代表選後の挙党態勢の構築に努める姿勢を示した。

Hatoyama, backed by members of his own intraparty group and Ozawa's group, is expected to garner more votes than Okada. He pledged to take over Ozawa's policies saying, "The path that leader Ozawa has taken wasn't wrong." He also said if elected party leader, he would ask Ozawa to play an important role in the campaign for the general election.
　鳩山氏は、同氏や小沢氏のグループなどが推し、基礎票で優位とみられている。記者会見では「小沢代表の歩んだ道は間違っていなかった」と路線踏襲を強調、同氏の処遇についても「選挙でしっかり仕事をしてほしい」と期待を示した。

Hatoyama dismissed concern expressed by some party members that he will lead the party under directions from Ozawa. "Nobody should call me a 'puppet leader.'"
一方で「小沢院政」が敷かれる懸念が出ていることに「かいらい政権だと呼ばれるつもりはない」と反論した。

In a recent Mainichi poll, the number of those who said Okada is more suitable to lead the DPJ is almost twice that for Hatoyama, and Okada is aiming to show that he can appeal more to voters during the Lower House race.
　岡田氏は毎日新聞の世論調査で代表にふさわしいと名を挙げた人が鳩山氏の倍近くあり、「選挙の顔」としての優位さをアピールしている。

Okada has revealed a new slogan, "A political party open to the people." He emphasized he would ensure that all party members will maintain their unity to battle in the general election if he becomes party leader, but stopped short of saying whether he would appoint Ozawa to any important post in the party.
「オープンで国民に開かれた政党」を掲げ、代表就任の際の小沢氏処遇については「全員野球」を強調しつつ、明言を避けた。

It is regrettable that there was only limited time for open policy debates as DPJ members of both houses of the Diet are scheduled to cast their ballots only five days after Ozawa announced his intention to resign. The public would be disappointed if the DPJ elects its next leader in an inward-looking manner while even the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) holds an open campaign for its presidential elections by holding public debates. DPJ legislators are urged to explain their selection of candidates to party members. The DPJ Okayama prefectural chapter's plan to interview rank-and-file party members and registered supporters on the phone over which candidate should lead the party is one of such efforts.
　小沢氏の辞任表明から５日後の１６日の両院議員総会の投票による短期決着となり、オープンな政策論争を行う期間が限られたことは、残念だと改めて指摘したい。自民党ですら意識的に公開討論など開かれた総裁選びを進める中、内向きな代表選びに終わっては国民は興ざめだ。投票する国会議員は、その選択を党員らに説明することが望ましい。岡山県連は党員・サポーターの意向を電話で聞く予備調査を行うことを決めた。こうした工夫も一法だろう。

It is also problematic that there hardly appear to be any differences in basic policies between the two candidates as they have agreed to ban corporate political donations from 2012 -- the key issue in problems involving politics and money. Hatoyama said no discussion should be held on a consumption tax hike for now. Okada has pointed to the possibility that the consumption tax will be used exclusively to finance public pension programs while saying it is difficult for the foreseeable future to raise the indirect tax levied virtually on all goods and services. They should hold in-depth debates on the issue.
　「政治とカネ」をめぐる焦点である企業・団体献金の禁止時期について両氏とも「３年後」で歩調をそろえるなど、本筋の政策で違いが見えにくいことも気がかりだ。消費税率引き上げについて鳩山氏は「議論すらすべきでない」と語った。岡田氏は引き上げは当面困難との見解を示しつつ、持論である年金目的税化に言及した。論争を深めてほしい。

The Mainichi poll suggests that 66 percent of the public believes that Ozawa's resignation came too late and that 83 percent believe that Ozawa has not fulfilled his accountability for a political donation scandal involving one of his aides. The DPJ cannot overcome its setback as a result of the scandal and go on the offensive if it misreads the public's critical opinion.
　毎日新聞の世論調査では、小沢氏辞任に６６％が「遅すぎた」、８３％が説明責任を果たしていないと答えた。厳しい国民の視線を見誤っては、党の反転攻勢はできない。

毎日新聞　2009年5月15日　東京朝刊

北ミサイル報告 「敵基地攻撃」は冷静に議論せよ

The Yomiuri Shimbun(May. 16, 2009)
Calm debate over having strike capability needed
北ミサイル報告　「敵基地攻撃」は冷静に議論せよ（5月16日付・読売社説）

Study into possessing the capability to strike enemy bases could be significant if it is deemed that missile defense systems are an inadequate form of protection. However, it is important that this issue be discussed in a calm manner.
　ミサイル防衛（ＭＤ）に限界があるとすれば、敵基地攻撃能力の保有を研究することは、重要な意義を持つ。ただし、冷静に議論を進めることが肝要である。

The Defense Ministry on Friday released a report on North Korea's April missile launch. It said the launch helped Pyongyang extend the range of its Taepodong ballistic missiles, stating that the second and third stages--if North Korea's claim of a third stage is true--apparently flew 3,150 kilometers to 3,200 kilometers from a launch site in Musudan-ri in northeastern North Korea.
　防衛省が、４月の北朝鮮のミサイル発射に関する報告書を公表した。ミサイルの２段目以降の飛行距離は３１５０～３２００キロで、テポドンの「長射程化を進展させた」と分析している。

The report also pointed out that the test-firing of a long-range missile helps in extending the range of its shorter-range missiles, increasing its warhead capacities and enhancing the accuracy of its missiles.
　長射程のミサイル実験は、射程の短いミサイルの射程の延伸や、弾頭重量の増加、命中精度の向上に資する、とも指摘している。

Indeed, in terms of national security, we should not be as worried about the increased range of Taepodong missiles, which pass over Japan, as we should be about the enhanced ability of Rodong medium-range missiles, which could strike Japan.
　確かに、日本の安全保障にとって警戒すべきは、日本を飛び越えるテポドンの長射程化よりも、日本を射程に収めるノドンの性能向上である。

The government should steadily promote the deployment of two missile defense systems--one using interceptors launched from Aegis-equipped destroyers and the other using ground-based interceptor missiles.
　政府は、イージス艦発射型と地上発射型の２種類のＭＤ配備を着実に進めるべきだ。

===

Options require U.S. support

If a number of ballistic missiles were fired at one time, however, it would be extremely difficult for a missile defense system, no matter its form, to intercept all of them.
　だが、一度に多数のミサイルが発射された場合、ＭＤで完璧(かんぺき)に迎撃するのは極めて難しい。

Under its strictly defensive defense policy, Japan has its Self-Defense Forces focus on defensive operations while relying on the U.S. forces for retaliatory strikes. Military deterrent can basically be maintained under this current division of roles between the SDF and U.S. forces, as long as the Japan-U.S. security alliance functions as intended.
　日本は専守防衛の方針の下、自衛隊は防御に徹し、報復の攻撃力は米軍に依存する、という役割分担をしている。日米同盟が機能すれば、現体制でも軍事的抑止力は基本的に維持される。

However, the option to allow the SDF certain strike capabilities to complement the current setup should not be dismissed.
　ただ、現体制を補完する形で、自衛隊が一定の攻撃力を持つ選択肢も排除すべきではあるまい。

The means to strike enemy bases roughly come in two delivery systems--cruise missile strikes such as by the Tomahawk of the United States, and strikes using bombing aircraft.
　敵基地攻撃の手段を大別すればトマホークのような巡航ミサイルと、攻撃機による爆撃がある。

It is difficult for cruise missiles to engage Rodong missiles because precise target locations are needed, and Rodongs are launched from mobile platforms.
　巡航ミサイルは、攻撃目標の正確な位置を発射前に入力することが必要なため、ノドンのような移動式発射装置の攻撃は難しい。

Bombing aircraft, meanwhile, need to break through an enemy's air defense network to deliver air strikes, requiring air force units comprising support fighters to secure air supremacy, electronic air warfare aircraft with jamming capabilities, air tankers and other assistance.
　攻撃機による爆撃は、敵の防空網を突破するため、爆撃機だけでなく、制空目的の支援戦闘機や、妨害電波を出す電子戦機、空中給油機など、大規模な航空部隊の編成が必要となる。

Either scenario requires close coordination with U.S. forces.
　いずれにせよ、米軍との緊密な協調が前提となる。

===

SDF role should be clarified

Detecting a sign of a missile launch and identifying its intended target makes indispensible the cooperation of U.S. forces in providing such information to the SDF. Striking all enemy missile bases solely using the SDF is unrealistic considering the huge costs and time involved.
　そもそもミサイル発射の兆候の探知や攻撃目標の位置特定には、米軍の情報協力が不可欠である。自衛隊単独での全ミサイル基地攻撃というのは、膨大な費用と時間を要し、非現実的だ。

How and under what conditions, then, could the SDF effectively complement U.S. attack capabilities? We hope a comprehensive study of this matter is made based on realistic unit operation conditions.
　どんな場合に、自衛隊が米軍の攻撃力をどう補完するのが効果的なのか。部隊運用の実情を踏まえて、客観的に研究したい。

To ensure that the Japan-U.S. security alliance functions effectively, it is necessary to enable Japan to exercise its right of collective self-defense, which is currently banned by the government's interpretation of the Constitution. The alliance could be shaken if Japan remains barred under the Constitution from intercepting missiles heading toward the United States.
　日米同盟を機能させるには、政府の憲法解釈が禁じている集団的自衛権の行使を可能にすることも必要だ。米国に向かうミサイルは憲法上、迎撃できないというのでは、同盟が揺らぎかねない。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 16, 2009)
（2009年5月16日01時27分  読売新聞）

affiliateB-fc2

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巨額赤字決算 業績立て直しに何が必要か

The Yomiuri Shimbun(May. 15, 2009)
Firms must learn how to weather tough times
巨額赤字決算　業績立て直しに何が必要か（5月15日付・読売社説）

We are witnessing perhaps the worst settlement of financial accounts since the end of World War II.
This is the first time that so many of Japan's leading companies have reported massive losses across the board.
　日本を代表する企業が軒並み巨額の赤字に転落したのは、初めてのことだ。戦後最悪の決算といえるだろう。

It is now the peak of the earnings season, with many major firms having announced their performances for the business year that ended March 31. The dour financial reports throw the massive impact of the global economic crisis into sharp relief.
　発表のピークを迎えた主要企業の２００９年３月期決算は、世界同時不況の影響の大きさを改めて見せつけた。

Ordinary profits reported by firms listed on the Tokyo Stock Exchange, excluding banks and certain other businesses, are expected to drop by a total of more than 60 percent from the previous year. In particular, net profits to be incurred in the manufacturing sector as a whole are highly likely to fall into the red.
　東証上場企業（銀行などを除く）の経常利益は、前期と比べ６割以上も減る見通しだ。中でも、製造業全体の税引き後利益は赤字転落が濃厚だ。

In addition, many companies predict declines in profits for the current business year ending March 2010, anticipating that it will take some time for the economy to recover.
　多くの企業が、１０年３月期も減益を予想している。景気回復が遅れると見ているためだ。

To weather this harsh business climate, it will be essential for these companies to take steps such as cutting back on wasteful operations, strengthening financial bases and exploring new business fields that show growth potential.
生き残るには、業務の絞り込みや財務基盤の強化、新たな成長事業の開拓などを進めることが欠かせない。

===

Big players take big hit

Business deterioration has been particularly severe in the auto and electronics industries, which have been rocked by sluggish overseas sales and the stronger yen.
　業績悪化が特に深刻なのは、海外での販売不振と円高の直撃を受けた自動車、電機業界だ。

Toyota Motor Corp.'s global vehicle sales in fiscal 2008 dropped by 1.34 million units from the previous year. The firm also took a 760 billion yen hit in profit because of the yen's appreciation against major currencies. As a result, it posted a 461 billion yen operating loss, which gauges profits in a company's core business. The company also projected that its losses for the current business year would likely balloon to 850 billion yen.
　トヨタ自動車は世界販売台数を前期より１３４万台も減らし、円高で７６００億円の利益を失うなどして、本業のもうけを示す営業損益が４６１０億円の赤字となった。１０年３月期の赤字は８５００億円に膨れあがるという。

To cope with the situation, the automaker will put more low-fuel cars on the market, expand sales networks in emerging economies and try to slash manufacturing costs. One of its tasks will be downsizing the firm's current production scale that currently has the ability to punch out 3 million cars in excess a year.
　今後は、低燃費車の投入や新興国への販路拡大を急ぎ、徹底した原価低減を進める。３００万台も過剰になっている生産体制の縮小も課題になるだろう。

Hitachi Ltd. reported a group net loss of 787.3 billion yen, the largest reported among Japanese companies. In addition to slumping sales, the firm was forced to dispose of latent losses from its stockholdings and break into deferred tax assets, which had been set aside in anticipation of future tax returns.
　日立製作所の税引き後利益は、７８７３億円の赤字と、国内企業では最大になった。本業の低迷に加えて、保有株の含み損の処理や、将来の税金の戻りを見込んで積み上げてきた繰り延べ税金資産の取り崩しを余儀なくされた。

With the aim of boosting its corporate strength, Hitachi plans to pare down its businesses and concentrate on certain fields, discarding its reputation as a general electronics manufacturer.
　日立は、体質強化を目指して、総合電機の看板を捨てて事業の絞り込みに取り組む計画だ。

The country's electronics companies are having to address this common theme of "selection and concentration," which is a distinct break from the established follow-the-leader mentality. If all the big electronics firms take this course, it could force a complete realignment of the industry, following similar moves seen in the semiconductor business.
　「選択と集中」による横並び体質からの脱却は、電機業界に共通するテーマだ。業界各社が一斉に取り組めば、半導体事業に続き、大規模な業界再編につながる可能性もあろう。

===

All sectors should be on guard

In the nonmanufacturing sector, the aviation industry has been hit particularly hard. Japan Airlines Corp. is expected to report a net loss for two consecutive years, putting the fate of its business reconstruction efforts into doubt once again. Attention is now focused on how its planned restructuring efforts, including pension reforms and personnel cuts, will unfold.
　非製造業では、航空業界の不振が目立つ。日本航空は税引き後利益が２期連続で赤字となる見通しで、再び経営再建に黄信号がともった。年金改革や人員削減によるリストラの行方に注目したい。

Domestic demand-led industries, such as railways and telecommunications, have reported relatively light damage from the recession. However, such sectors also should remain on their guard while comprehensively assessing their business strategies in anticipation of a prolonged recession.
　鉄道や通信など、比較的傷が浅かった内需関連業界も油断は禁物だ。不況の長期化を想定し、戦略を総点検してほしい。

Honda Motor Co., which saw brisk overseas sales of motorcycles, and Mitsubishi Electric Corp., which started streamlining and reorganizing its unprofitable businesses earlier than its competitors, both managed to turn profits even in these difficult times.
　海外の二輪車販売が好調だったホンダや、いち早く不採算部門の整理・再編を進めた三菱電機は、逆風下でも黒字を確保している。

Companies with unique products and specialties tend to handle recessions better. It is hoped that Japanese companies will take advantage of the economic challenges they are facing today to find new sources capable of generating profits for tomorrow.
独自の商品や得意分野を持つ企業は不況に強い。難局を、新たな収益源を得る好機にしたい。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 15, 2009)
（2009年5月15日01時33分  読売新聞）

旅の終りに （家族でラヨーンのメーラムプンビーチへ）

どんなに楽しい旅であっても、終りのない旅はない。
また、どんなに苦しい旅であっても、終りのない旅はない。
どんな旅であっても、終りはかならずやってくるのだ。
旅は人生の縮図であるともいえるし、
旅とは実は人生そのものだということもできる。

スラチャイの家族は５月２１日より家族旅行に出かけていました。
ラヨーンのメーラムプンビーチは有名なサメット島に対面するビーチですが、ここ数年はこのビーチで長期滞在するのが我が家の習慣となっています。
娘のカイちゃんが幼稚園に進学するまでは、１年のうち３ヶ月もここで生活していたので、タイ人の妻は私に「お父さん、そんなにビーチが好きなら、いっそこのビーチのコンドミニアムを購入したら」と嫌味を言うほどでした。
今回の旅行の後半で家族全員風邪をひいてしまい、ラヨーンの有名な私立病院で治療を受けましたが、困難を克服することで家族の絆（きずな）はいっそう深まったのを実感しています。

srachai from khonkaen, thailand