安保理決議―強固な結束あってこそ

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 27(IHT/Asahi: May 28,2009)
EDITORIAL: Actions against N. Korea
安保理決議―強固な結束あってこそ

In light of North Korea's second nuclear test earlier this week, the eyes of the world are on the United Nations Security Council.
　北朝鮮の２度目の核実験を受けて、世界の目は国連安全保障理事会がどう対応するかに注がれている。

It is now clear that Resolution 1718, adopted in October 2006 in condemnation of Pyongyang's first nuclear test, has effectively failed. This is a serious matter for the Security Council, whose very reason for existence could be called into question. The international community must unite and make its will abundantly clear to North Korea.
　０６年の初の核実験をめぐる決議は結果的に失敗に終わった。安保理の存在自体が問われかねない深刻な事態だ。国際社会として一致した強い意思を北朝鮮に突きつけなくてはならない。

An emergency meeting of the Security Council unanimously agreed on drafting a new resolution. U.S. President Barack Obama spoke with Japanese Prime Minister Taro Aso and South Korean President Lee Myung Bak on the phone. Noting the need for a "strong U.N. resolution," Obama reaffirmed that the United States, Japan and South Korea should keep working together for that end.
　安保理の緊急会合では、新たな決議をつくることで一致した。オバマ米大統領は麻生首相、李明博韓国大統領との電話協議で「強い決議が必要だ」と述べ、合意づくりに向けて３カ国が協力していくことを確認した。

The 2006 resolution represented a break from tradition in two ways. For one, it was the first time that the Security Council adopted a resolution against North Korea. Secondly, the resolution provided for sanctions against the reclusive dictatorship, including a freeze on the movement of goods and funds associated with the development of weapons of mass destruction.
　３年前の決議は、二つの点で画期的だった。北朝鮮に対する初の決議であり、大量破壊兵器の開発につながる資金や物資の移動を止めるなどの制裁措置を加えたことだ。

Unfortunately, however, enforcement of the sanctions was left to the discretion of individual nations, and the resolution effectively did not function. There were concerns that North Korea may react irrationally to sudden sanctions. Also, the resolution could not be made too binding if all member countries were to stand together.
　だが残念ながら、制裁の履行は加盟国の判断に委ねられ、現実にはほとんど機能しなかった。いきなりの制裁には北朝鮮の暴発を招きかねないというためらいがあったし、制裁する側の結束を保つために強制色を弱める必要もあったからだろう。

In fact, there is considerable variance in what motivates different countries in their relations with North Korea. Pyongyang's nuclear capabilities are a grave threat to Japan, South Korea and the United States, and are certainly not acceptable to China and Russia. There is no doubt that both Beijing and Moscow are hoping North Korea would become a more open nation.
　実際、北朝鮮をめぐる各国の思惑にはかなりの違いがある。北朝鮮の核保有は日米韓にとって深刻な脅威だが、中国やロシアにとっても受け入れられる現実ではない。北朝鮮が開放的な政策への転換をとげることが好ましいというのも両国の本音に違いない。

But neither China nor Russia wants to invite any confusion on the Korean Peninsula that might boomerang on themselves. This makes them cautious about applying any strong pressure on North Korea.
　ただし、朝鮮半島の混乱が自国に波及するような事態は避けたい。だから、北朝鮮にあまり強い圧力をかけることには慎重だ。

Such individual differences among Security Council members were revealed when Pyongyang test-fired a long-range ballistic missile last month. The council members split over whether to issue a resolution condemning Pyongyang or a presidential statement.
　こうした違いは、先月の弾道ミサイルの発射実験をめぐって、安保理決議とするか、議長声明にとどめるか、という形でも表面化した。

But this time, North Korea went one step further in blackmailing the international community with its nuclear test and missiles. The country made its nuclear ambitions amply clear to the world. Now is the time for all Security Council members to set aside their differences and act as one in pressing North Korea to abandon its nuclear ambitions.
　だが今回、北朝鮮は核とミサイルで国際社会への脅しを強め、「核保有国」への野心を一段とあらわにした。いまこそ各国は違いを乗り越え、核放棄を厳しく迫らなければならない。

What sanctions the Security Council will come up with is a matter of much interest. But the most important point is that the resolution must be effective and have the backing of all members.
　どんな制裁を盛り込むかが注目されているが、大事なのは決議の実効性であり、それを支える加盟国の結束だ。

In that sense, we would like to again point out China's importance. Any further escalation of regional tensions due to North Korea's nuclear program could not be desirable for China. And we also remind China that it is responsible for nuclear nonproliferation and peace as a world power.
　その点で、中国の重要性を改めて指摘したい。北朝鮮の核問題で地域の緊張がこれ以上高まるのは中国にとっても好ましくないだろうし、核不拡散や平和に対して大国としての責任があることも自覚すべきである。

Japan is taking part in the drafting of the new resolution, but there are also other things it should be doing. Japan is prepared to normalize relations with North Korea and provide economic assistance if the latter changes its policies, including that on the abduction issue. This is the message Japan must try to convey while forging global solidarity.
　日本は決議の草案づくりに参画する。ほかにもすべきことがある。拉致問題を含めて北朝鮮が政策を改めれば国交を正常化し、経済支援をする用意が日本にはある。それをもっと強く訴えて国際社会の結束を促すことだ。

We need only to look at the Iranian problem and the difficulties faced by Mideast peace talks to understand that no U.N. resolution can be a panacea. But the Security Council is now being tested on whether it can come up with a truly effective resolution.
　決議が万能薬でないことは、中東和平やイラン問題を見れば明らかだ。だが、今ここでいかに実効性ある内容を決議に盛り込めるか、安保理としての正念場を迎えている。