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2009年5月27日 (水)

北朝鮮の核実験―米中の連携で暴走止めよ

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 26(IHT/Asahi: May 27,2009)
EDITORIAL: Pyongyang's nuke test
北朝鮮の核実験―米中の連携で暴走止めよ

North Korea conducted a "successful" underground nuclear test Monday, according to the reclusive dictatorship's official Korean Central News Agency. The blast generated seismic tremors that were detected in various countries.
 北朝鮮が「地下核実験を成功裏に実施した」と発表した。それによる地震波を各国が探知した。

There are still many unknowns, including the scale of the blast. But one thing is certain: North Korea has again acted in defiance of a United Nations Security Council resolution condemning the country's October 2006 nuclear test.
爆発の本当の規模などはっきりしない点は多いが、06年10月の実験に対する国連安保理の決議を無視し挑戦する行動だ。

North Korea's action is quite undesirable not only for Japan's security, but also for global peace and security.
 日本の安全保障にとってはもちろんのこと、世界の安全保障や平和にとってもゆゆしき事態である。

At the request of Japan and other nations, the Security Council held an emergency meeting on Monday afternoon (local time) to discuss countermeasures. The United Nations and other international organs for nuclear nonproliferation are now being tested for their true worth.
 日本政府などの要請で安保理は緊急会合を開き、対応を話し合う。国連をはじめ核の拡散防止を課題とする国際機関の存在意義が問われている。

Repeated outrage
■繰り返された暴挙

"Again?" is our exasperated reaction.
 それにしても、「またか」という思いが募る。

Let us go over what North Korea has been up to since its previous nuclear test of two and a half years ago. The dictatorship has created crises by test-launching ballistic missiles, not to mention the two nuclear tests to date.
 前回の実験があった2年半前からのことを思い起こしたい。弾道ミサイルの発射実験をしたり核実験をしたりして、危機的な状況をつくり上げる。

Nothing has changed at all in Pyongyang's classic pattern of blackmailing the international community to squeeze out concessions. Its priority has always been to protect and maintain its political system in defiance of common decency in the international community.
国際社会を脅し、譲歩を迫る。北朝鮮の体制護持を最優先にした無法なやり方はまったく変わらない。

In reaction to the 2006 nuclear test, the U.S. administration of George W. Bush made a significant switch in North Korea policy to engage the latter in dialogue. The Bush administration practically bent over backward in negotiations, hoping the concessions it offered would encourage Pyongyang to abandon its nuclear programs.
 核実験に直面した当時のブッシュ米政権は対話路線に大きくカジを切り、北朝鮮に核を放棄させようと、あの手この手で取引してきた。

Monday's nuclear test was proof of how Pyongyang took advantage of Washington's policy switch after October 2006.
そんな米国の足元を見たこの再核実験だ。

In the days ahead, we may witness a deepening of skepticism about the usefulness of six-party talks that were once hopefully thought to be an important apparatus for getting North Korea to denuclearize itself.
これまで北朝鮮を核放棄に向かわせる重要な装置と期待されてきた6者協議への懐疑論も強まるだろう。

But no matter how grave a threat North Korea has become to the world, it is the solid consensus among the United States, China, Japan and all other nations concerned that it is not realistic to try to resolve the problem by military force. Since this is the case, the international community needs to act with collective wisdom and patience.
This means keeping up every effort, through diplomacy, to induce a fundamental policy change on North Korea's part.
 だが、いかに脅威であるからといって、軍事力で解決を目指すことが現実的でないことは米国や中国、日本をはじめ関係国が共有している認識だ。であれば、国際社会は忍耐強く知恵を絞り、北朝鮮の基本的な政策転換を生み出すための努力を外交的手段で続けなければならない。

But what exactly was Pyongyang's purpose in going ahead with its second nuclear test on this occasion?
 この時期に再び核実験に踏み切った北朝鮮の狙いは何なのだろうか。

One purpose, we presume, was to beef up its nuclear technology and show off the results to the world in hopes of enhancing the nation's status as a fully fledged nuclear-armed power.
 一つは、本格的な核武装国家としての存在感を高めるために核技術を向上させ、誇示したいということだろう。

And to finally end the Korean War and start normalizing relations with the United States, it has been North Korea's strategy for years to bring the United States to the negotiating table for nuclear talks.
朝鮮戦争を最終的に終わらせ、米国との関係正常化を目指すためにも、「核」をめぐる交渉に米国を引き出すことが北朝鮮の年来の狙いだ。

Grave challenge to NPT regime
■不拡散へ重大な挑戦

Four months have passed since the inauguration of the U.S. administration of President Barack Obama in January. But in Pyongyang's perception, none of the administration's key officials, including Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, has shown any special zeal for bilateral negotiations.
Concerning nuclear issues, the Obama administration has been devoted to negotiations with Russia and the problems with Iran, while regional conflicts in the Middle East and Afghanistan are taking up much of Washington's foreign policy efforts. We believe this situation must be frustrating and galling for the North Korean leadership.
 オバマ米政権が誕生して4カ月になるのに、北朝鮮からすればクリントン国務長官をはじめ政権の中枢からは北朝鮮との交渉を実際に動かしたいという熱意が感じ取れない。核をめぐってはロシアとの交渉やイラン問題、地域紛争では中東やアフガニスタンに精力を振り向けている。そんな焦りが北朝鮮の指導部にあるのかもしれない。

Before Monday's nuclear test, Pyongyang outraged the United States, Japan and other members of the international community by test-firing what was believed to be a long-range ballistic missile. The fact that Pyongyang resorted to its habitual brinkmanship twice in less than two months would suggest that something must be going on within the regime.
 ここにきて矢継ぎ早に危機カードを繰り出す動きには、北朝鮮の政権内の事情が絡んでいるとも見られる。

North Korean leader Kim Jong Il is obviously not in the best of health, and no optimism is warranted about the future of the "Kim dynasty." Some pundits say that, in order to prepare for a smooth transition of power to his successor, Kim is pursuing hard-line policies to shore up his regime and is at the same time trying to speed up negotiations with Washington.
 金正日総書記は健康不安を抱え、「金王朝」の将来は楽観できない。権力継承に備えて強硬路線で国内の体制を引き締め、同時に米国との取引を急ぐ。そんな思惑があるとの分析だ。

North Korea's repeated nuclear tests not only threaten the region's security today, but also put the future of the human race at risk. Pyongyang's conduct may well serve to further erode the already shaky framework of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT).
 北朝鮮の相次ぐ核実験は、地域の今日の安全を脅かすにとどまらず、人類の明日を危うくしている。核不拡散条約(NPT)体制を一層空洞化させかねないからだ。

On the day of Pyongyang's missile launch in April, Obama called for a nuclear-free world in his historic address in Prague. At that time, it appeared that nuclear nonproliferation was gaining momentum in anticipation of the 2010 NPT review conference.
 4月の北朝鮮のミサイル発射実験のその日、オバマ大統領はたまたまプラハで「核のない世界」を目指すという歴史的な演説をした。来年のNPT再検討会議に向け、核拡散抑止への環境が整いつつあると見られていた。

But Pyongyang has thrown cold water on this global endeavor with its second nuclear test. We cannot condemn this act vehemently enough.
 そこにこの実験である。世界の流れに冷や水を浴びせた北朝鮮の行動に、重ねて強い憤りを覚える。

North Korea obviously thinks it can do anything it wants. In mid-April, Pyongyang ordered U.S. nuclear experts and International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) inspectors, who were participating in the dismantling of the Yongbyon nuclear facility, out of the country.
 北朝鮮は寧辺の核施設を監視してきた米国と国際原子力機関(IAEA)の要員を国外に追い出した。北朝鮮のやりたい放題になっている。

China and Russia were among the nations that supported the U.N. Security Council's resolution of 2006, which imposed sanctions on North Korea, and demanded that Pyongyang never conduct a nuclear test again. China chairs the six-nation talks on North Korean issues. We are deeply disappointed with China for failing to stop North Korea's reckless deed this time.
 北朝鮮に再び核実験をしないよう求めた06年の安保理の制裁決議には、中国、ロシアも賛成した。その中国は6者協議の議長国でもある。北朝鮮の無謀な行動を止められなかったことについて、中国に対する失望は深い。

Japan must not sit idle
■日本も積極的に動け

China has its own foreign policy agenda vis-a-vis North Korea. In Beijing's thinking, taking too tough a stand against Pyongyang will drive the country further into isolation, which will not be in the interest of China or the international community from the standpoint of global security.
 中国には中国の外交判断もある。北朝鮮に対して強い姿勢に出れば、北朝鮮がより孤立し、中国の国益にも世界の安全にもむしろ良くないということだ。

While we can appreciate this reasoning, we would still like China to play a leading role in negotiations at the U.N. Security Council. China should lead the council to issue a strong message to North Korea by urging the international community to completely implement sanctions under the 2006 resolution and adopting additional measures.
とはいえ、安保理では北朝鮮に向けて強いメッセージを出す方向で、制裁の徹底実施や追加措置などの協議に主導的な役割を担ってもらいたい。

For the Obama administration, Monday's nuclear test was an unwelcome "pre-emptive strike" from Pyongyang before substantive dialogue could begin. In the days ahead, Obama's North Korea policy may come under harsher criticism at home.
 オバマ政権にとっては、これから対話に取り組もうとしていた北朝鮮から早々と出ばなをくじかれた形だ。政権の対北姿勢への批判が米国内で強まる可能性もある。

But in view of the larger goal of saving the world from the terror of nuclear proliferation and getting a reclusive dictatorship to open up to the rest of the world, North Korea is one of the biggest challenges Obama must tackle successfully. Ultimately, no other country is better positioned than the United States to urge North Korea to change.
 だが、核の拡散による恐怖から世界を救い、閉鎖的な独裁国家を世界に開かれた国にするという大きな目標にとって北朝鮮は最大の試金石のひとつだ。北朝鮮の変化を促すことができるのは何と言っても米国だ。

China's role is also clear. China must work together with the United States and determine what sort of long-range security setup is best suited for East Asia. With the current unraveling of the global economy, strategic cooperation between the United States and China has grown more important than ever. And what better use could there be for such cooperation than in bringing stability to the Korean Peninsula?
 中国の役割もはっきりしている。米国とともに東アジアの長い目で見た安全保障がどうあるべきかを考えてもらいたい。世界同時不況の中で米中の戦略的な連携が重みを増している。朝鮮半島の安定はそれを生かすべき最たる領域ではないか。

As a victim of nuclear attacks in 1945, Japan is committed to making the world nuclear-free. Japan can only recognize every North Korean nuclear test as a grave threat.
 日本は、被爆国として「核のない世界」への取り組みに参画しようとしている。

The yet-unsolved abductions of Japanese citizens by North Korean agents are also a lingering problem. Realistically, there is unfortunately little that Tokyo can achieve by negotiating directly with Pyongyang.
同時に、北朝鮮の核実験や拉致問題を深刻な脅威として受け止めざるをえない立場だ。現実には日朝の直接協議で事態を動かせる可能性は、いまは残念ながら乏しい。

But the least Japan can do is to keep encouraging the United States and China to cooperate with each other. At the same time, Japan should work together with South Korea to actively support efforts that will help to secure peace in the region.
 米中の連携を促し、韓国とともに地域の安全確保へ積極的に後押ししていきたい。

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