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2012年3月31日 (土)

死刑執行 法相が重い職責を果たした

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Mar. 31, 2012)
Justice minister fulfills heavy responsibility
死刑執行 法相が重い職責を果たした(3月30日付・読売社説)

Three death-row inmates were executed Thursday. They were the first executions under the Democratic Party of Japan-led government in 20 months since two inmates were executed in July 2010.

Regarding the death penalty, which is the ultimate punishment, the Criminal Procedure Code stipulates that executions of death-row inmates are carried out at the order of the justice minister. Executions are not performed unless the justice minister signs an execution order.

Justice Minister Toshio Ogawa said at a press conference after Thursday's executions, "It's a painful duty, but it's my responsibility." Ogawa fulfilled a heavy responsibility imposed on the justice minister to maintain order in the nation.

Among the six justice ministers so far under the DPJ-led government, former Justice Minister Satsuki Eda did not order executions because of his position that capital punishment should be abolished. Former Justice Minister Hideo Hiraoka also was cautious about executions.

No executions were carried out last year, the first time that had happened in 19 years. The number of death-row convicts had increased to 135, the highest in the postwar period.


Duty defined by law

As a country ruled by law, it is naturally impermissible for a justice minister not to perform a duty defined by law because of his or her thoughts and beliefs, and for this to influence the pace of executions.

If the former justice ministers who did not order executions oppose the death penalty system and had decided from the first not to order executions, as politicians they should not have accepted the post.

The inmates executed Thursday committed heinous crimes, including random attacks in which one inmate murdered five people and injured 10 at JR Shimonoseki Station in 1999.

Bereaved families who one day suddenly had their loved ones' lives taken away strongly desire harsh punishment for death-row inmates.

Ogawa said at the press conference, "The right to decide how crimes should be punished rests with the people."

There is strong opposition against the death penalty system from some groups, including the Japan Federation of Bar Associations, which has submitted a request to the justice minister urging the ministry to start discussions on abolishment of the system.


Widespread support for system

According to a Cabinet Office survey, however, as many as 85.6 percent of respondents support the death penalty system. Many people are concerned that the bereaved families of crime victims will not be healed if capital punishment is abolished and that heinous crimes may increase. This is a weighty fact.

In addition, the lay judge system that began in 2009 and in which ordinary citizens participate in trying cases has so far handed death sentences to 13 defendants. As long as the system requires citizens to make a tough decision on whether to choose capital punishment, it is proper and appropriate for the justice minister to fulfill his or her responsibility.

Carefully and strictly checking rulings in which capital punishment has been finalized and implementing the death penalty system calmly in accordance with law will help increase the people's faith in justice.

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, March 30, 2012)
(2012年3月30日01時39分  読売新聞)

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2012年3月30日 (金)

社説:外国人介護士 春、さらに門戸を開け



(Mainichi Japan) March 30, 2012
Editorial: Japan must be more humble toward foreign care workers
社説:外国人介護士 春、さらに門戸を開け

Thirty six applicants passed the first care worker exam held for foreign care workers under Japan's Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) with Indonesia and the Philippines. While the passing rate, at 37.9 percent, was higher than the 11.3 percent passing rate of Indonesian and Filipino nurses applying for Japanese nursing qualifications under the same agreements earlier this year, the number is still far from ideal.

Accommodations to the applicants appear to have been made recently in the exams, including the use of furigana superscripts and the additional notation of English translations of disease names. The questions themselves seem to have become more of a practical nature. But still, technical words in Japanese appear frequently, and sentences can be difficult to decipher.

The half-hearted nature of the exam modifications is evident in the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare's review of vocabulary. Expressions have been altered, but they are kept at a halfway point between "technical" and "simple," when "simple" would do just fine. Care workers deal with elderly people whose judgment and communication skills have become impaired. It is important that care workers get information across to their clients in easy-to-understand ways, and to intuit thoughts that clients may have trouble expressing clearly. How can a national exam that is meant to assess whether an applicant is qualified for this job, not employ clear enough language itself?

The health ministry defends its language choices in the exam, citing "the need of care takers to use the language in carrying out duties in cooperation with doctors and nurses," and "the undermining of academic foundations or confusion in the field" as its reasons. To the ministry, does making changes to the medical field itself not occur as a viable option?

Easily-understood language is necessary for patients and third parties to check on the quality of their treatment and ensure transparency. Such methods of communication can also be of use in securing informed consent. In addition, ministry officials must understand the boredom felt by students taking classes at colleges specializing in social welfare, where memorization of abstract knowledge is stressed, even while the knowledge and skills necessary in the field remain in constant flux. What sort of "academic foundations" are so important that they must be protected even if it means sucking the motivation out of students who could be future care givers?

Foreign candidates go through three years of practical training at care facilities in Japan before they are allowed to take the national qualification exam. Because their stay in Japan is limited to four years, in effect, foreign candidates only have one shot at the exam. Meanwhile, even without national certification, Japanese nationals are able to work at care facilities as official employees. Foreign candidates in training, however, are not considered "employees," which means that care facilities cannot receive government subsidies to cover their salaries.

Because of this, the number of foreign candidates has been dropping every year. The care sector is suffering a major labor shortage, many Japanese are being forced to leave their jobs to take care of aging family members, and there seems to be no end to the tragedy of elderly people facing death alone. Our already aging society is coming upon an even bleaker reality.

The health ministry says the care worker certification program is a "special case with regards to the economic partnership agreement, and not a solution to the labor shortage," and is not quite in step with other government ministries and agencies. This contrasts greatly with full-fledged efforts by South Korea and Taiwan to acquire foreign care workers. The care worker candidates who come to Japan are professionals. They have all attained university or other advanced degrees, as well as certification as care workers, in their home countries. We must be more humble and adopt the attitude there is much we can learn from them -- not the other way around.

毎日新聞 2012年3月30日 2時31分

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2012年3月29日 (木)

社説:核安保サミット 日本の存在感がない

(Mainichi Japan) March 28, 2012
Editorial: Japan must take more active role in nuclear security
社説:核安保サミット 日本の存在感がない

Japan barely left an impression at the Nuclear Security Summit held in Seoul on March 26 and 27. This is despite a major debate on the ongoing crisis at the Fukushima No. 1 Nuclear Power Plant, as well as a lively exchange about North Korea's plans to launch a "satellite."

Japanese Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda arrived in Seoul on the night of the 26th and left less than 24 hours later. Perhaps distracted by the consumption tax issue back in Japan, he merely engaged in short "meetings" with other heads of state, including U.S. President Barack Obama and Chinese President Hu Jintao. In contrast, Obama arrived in Seoul on the 25th, met with his South Korean, Chinese and Russian counterparts, visited the Korean Demilitarized Zone, and called on the North Korean administration to practice restraint.

This is not to say that a long visit is always better than a short one. However, one cannot help but have serious doubts about whether Noda was able to communicate Japan's concern over the threat North Korea poses with its nuclear program and missiles, and its renewed determination to implement anti-nuclear terrorism measures based on lessons from the Fukushima nuclear crisis.

The summit in Seoul was the second nuclear security meeting; the first took place in Washington D.C. in 2010. With over 50 countries and regions represented, its goal is to prevent nuclear substances from falling into the hands of terrorist organizations, and to protect nuclear power facilities from terrorist attacks. The disaster at the Fukushima plant, in which power was completely lost due to a massive quake and tsunami, was deemed a situation that could be caused by a terrorist attack, and added to the conference's list of major discussion topics.

In a speech addressed to the conference participants, Noda stated the importance of anticipating the unanticipated, and vowed that Japan would reinforce power supply systems at nuclear plants and protection against radiation; conduct joint drills among police, the Ground Self-Defense Force, the Japan Coast Guard and the Maritime Self-Defense Force; and strengthen measures against cyberattacks. And yet, the impression remained that his speech lacked depth.

There's a theory that the kidnappings of Japanese nationals by North Korean agents were conducted in preparation for attacks on Japanese nuclear power plants. The chance of Japanese nuclear plants being attacked by North Korean missiles, or of Japanese nuclear plants near the Sea of Japan -- and therefore close to North Korea -- being commandeered by North Korea must be anticipated and prepared for. North Korea is a threat not only for its nuclear program and missiles, but as a possible instigator of nuclear terrorism.

The Seoul Communique delivered at the closing ceremony of the nuclear summit stated that nuclear terrorism was "one of the most challenging threats to international security" and that in light of the Fukushima disaster, "sustained efforts are required" to ensure nuclear safety. The promotion of "nuclear forensics," used to determine the origin of nuclear materials, is another significant move mentioned in the statement.

For many Japanese, nuclear terrorism may feel like something that does not concern them. However, regardless of the cause, we have experienced the horrific outcome of a nuclear power facility that has become uncontrollable. It is our responsibility to share our experience with the international community, and to draw on it in preventing nuclear terrorism. The world is seeking Japan's active participation in preventing nuclear terrorism and establishing East Asian security.

毎日新聞 2012年3月28日 2時32分

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2012年3月28日 (水)

coffee break

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基礎タイ語 17課~24課

(17) 説明してもらうとき // คำยากได้อธิบาย カム(平)ヤーク(降)ダイ(降)ア(低)ティ(高)バーイ(平)
setsume- shite morau toki // kham y>aak d>ai ?,a th'i baai
17 ←クリックしてタイ語の音声が聞けます

1 どうやってするのか説明していただけますか? // ช่วยอธิบายหน่อยว่าทำอย่างไร チュアイ(降)ア(低)ティ(高)バーイ(平)ノーイ(低)ワー(降)タム(平)ヤーン(低)ライ(平)
do- yatte surunoka setsume- shite itadake masuka? // ch>u(+)ai ?,ath'ibaai n,oo(a)i w>aa tham y,aang rai
2 やり方を教えてください // ช่วยบอกวิธีทำด้วย チュアイ(降)ボァーク(低)ウィティー(平)タム(平)ドゥアイ(降)
yarikata wo oshiete kudasai // ch>u(+)ai b,oo(a)k wi thii tham d>u(+)ai
3 何のためですか? // เพื่อสำหรับอะไร プア(降)サム(昇)ラップ(低)アライ(平)
nan no tame desuka? // ph>u(i)a s<am r,ap ?arai
4 何に使うのですか? // ใช้กับอะไร チャイ(高)カップ(低)アライ(平)
nani ni tsukau no desuka? // ch'ai k,ap ?arai
5 理由を教えてください。 // สาเหตุว่าอย่างไร サー(昇)ヘート(低)ワー(降)ヤーン(低)ライ(平)
riyu- wo oshiete kudasai // s<aa h,ee(i)t w>aa y,aang rai
6 どうしてですか? // ทำไม タムマイ(平)
do- shite desuka? // tham mai

(18) 確認を求めるとき // คำอยากได้ยืนยัน カム(平)ヤーク(低)ダイ(降)ユーン(平)ヤン(平)
kakunin wo motomeru toki // kham y,aak d>ai yuu(i)n yan
18 ←クリックしてタイ語の音声が聞けます

1 いいですか? // ได้ไหม ダイ(降)マイ(高)
i- desuka? // d>ai m'ai
2 確かですか? // แน่หรือ ネァー(降)ルー(昇)
tashika desuka? // n>ee(a) r<u(i)a
3 それで全部ですか? // ทั้งหมดมีแค่นั้นหรือ タン(平)モット(低)ケー(降)ナン(高)ルァー(昇)
sorede zenbu desuka? // th'ang m,o(+)t mii kh>ee(a) n'an r<uu(i)
4 それは信用できますか? // นั้นเชื่อได้หรือ ナン(高)チュア(降)ダイ(降)ルァー(昇)
sore wa shinyo- dekimasu ka? // n'an ch>u(i)a d>ai r<u(i)a
5 ここに書いていただけますか? // กรุณาเขียนลงที่นี่ カルナー(平)キアン(昇)ロン(平)ティー(降)ニー(降)
kokoni kaite itadakemasuka? // karu(+)naa kh<ian lo(+)ng th>ii n>ii

(19) 状況を知りたいとき // เมื่อยากรู้เหตุการ ムア(降)ヤーク(降)ルー(高)ヘート(低)カーン(平)
jo-kyo- wo shiritai toki // m>u(i)a y>aak r'uu(+) h,ee(i)t kaan
19 ←クリックしてタイ語の音声が聞けます

1 何かあったのですか? // มีอะไรเกิดขึ้น ミー(平)アライ(平)カァゥート(低)クン(降)
nani ka atta no desuka? // mii ?arai k,aa(*)t kh>u(i)n
2 どうしたのですか? // ทำไมหรือ タムマイ(平)ルァゥー(昇)
do- shita no desuka? // tham mai r<uu(i)
3 何か問題があるのですか? // มีปัญหาอะไรหรือ ミー((平)パン(平)ハー(昇)アライ(平)ルァゥー(昇)
nanika mondai ga aruno desuka? // mii pan h<aa ?arai r<uu(i)
4 何か困ったことでも? // มีอะไรที่ไม่สะดวกหรือ ミー(平)アライ(平)ティー(降)マイ(降)サ(平)ドゥアク(低)ルァゥー(昇)
nanika komatta koto demo? // mii ?arai th>ii m>ai sad,u(+)ak r<uu(i)
5 原因は何ですか? // เพราะอะไร プロッ(高)アライ(平)
genin wa nan desuka? // phr'o(a) ?arai
6 どうすればよいのですか? // ทำอย่างไรดี タム(平)ヤーン(低)ライ(平)ディー(平)
do-sureba yoi no desuka? // tham y,aang rai dii

(20) 値段の尋ね方と断り方 // ถามราคาและความปฏิเสธ ターム(昇)ラーカー(平)レッ(高)クワーム(平)パ(平)ティ(低)セート(低)
nedan no tazunekata to kotowari kata // th<aam raakhaa l'e? khwaam pa th,i s,ee(i)t
20 ←クリックしてタイ語の音声が聞けます

1 いくらですか? // เท่าไร タオ(降)ライ(平)
ikura desuka? // th>ao(+) rai
2 値段はいくらですか? // ราคาเท่าไร ラーカー(平)ラオ(降)ライ(平)
nedan wa ikura desuka? // raakhaa th>ao(+) rai
3 値段を知りたいだけです // อยากจะถามราคา ヤーク(低)チャ(低)ターム(昇)ラーカー(平)
nedan wo shiritai dake desu // y,aak c,a? th<aam raakhaa
4 高すぎます // แพงเกินไป ペァーン(平)カァゥーン(平)パイ(平)
takasugimasu // phee(a)ng kaa(*)n pai
5 まけてくれますか // ลดหน่อยได้ไหม ロット(高)ノーイ(低)ダイ(降)マイ(高)
makete kuremasuka? // l'o(+)t n,oo(a)i d>ai m'ai

(21) 急いでもらいたいとき // อยากได้ไว้ๆ ヤーク(低)ダイ(降)ワイ(高)ワイ(降)
isoide moraitai toki // y,aak d>ai w'ai w>ai
21 ←クリックしてタイ語の音声が聞けます

1 急いでください // ช่วยรีบหน่อย チュアイ(昇)リープ(昇)ノーイ(低)
isoide kudasai // ch>u(+)ai r>iip n,oo(a)i
2 すぐ行かなくてはなりません // จะต้องรีบไป チャ(低)トァーン(降)リープ(降)パイ(平)
sugu ikanakutewa narimasen // c,a? t>oo(a)ng r>iip pai
3 緊急のことなのです // เรื่องด่วน ルィアン(降)ドゥアン(降)
kinkyu- no koto nano desu // r>u(i)ang d>u(+)an
4 あまり時間がありません // ไม่ค่อยมีเวลา マイ(降)コーイ(降)ミー(平)ウェーラー(平)
amari jikan ga arimasen // m>ai kh>oo(a)i mii weelaa
5 早いほどよいのです // ยิ่งเร็วยิ่งดี イン(降)レオ(平)イン(降)ディー(平)
hayai hodo yoi no desu // y>ing reo(+) y>ing dii

(22) 待ってもらいたいとき // อยากได้ความรอคอย ヤーク(低)ダイ(降)クワーム(平)ロー(平)コーイ(平)
matte moraitai toki // y,aak d>ai khwaam roo(a) khoo(a)i
22 ←クリックしてタイ語の音声が聞けます

1 ちょっと待ってください // กรุณาคอยเดี๋ยว カルナー(平)コーイ(平)ディアオ(昇)
chotto matte kudasai // karu(+)naa khoo(a)i d<iao(+)
2 しばらく待っていただけますか? // กรุณาคอยสักครู่หนึ่ง カルナー(平)コーイ(平)サッ(低)クルー(降)ヌン(低)
shibaraku matte itadakemasuka? // karu(+)naa khoo(a)i s,ak khr>uu(+) n,u(i)ng
3 もう2,3分待っていただけますか? // กรุณารออีกสองสามนาที カルナー(平)ロー(平)イーク(低)ソーン(昇)サーム(昇)ナーティー(平)
mo- ni,san pun matte itadake masu ka? // karu(+)naa roo(a) ?,iik s<oo(a)ng s<aam naathii
4 急いで来ますので // จะรีบมา チャ(低)リープ(降)マー(平)
isoide kimasu node // c,a? r>iip maa

(23) 日時、場所、天候を尋ねるとき date // กาลเทศะและภูมิอากาศ カーン(平)テー(平)サー(昇)レッ(高)プー(平)ミッ(高)アー(平)カート(低)
nichiji basho tenko- wo tazuneru toki // kaan tee(i)s<aa l'e(a) phuu mi'? ?aa k,aat
23 ←クリックしてタイ語の音声が聞けます

1 今、何時ですか? // เวลาเท่าไร ウェーラー(平)タオ(降)ライ(平)
ima nanji desuka? // weelaa th>ao(+) rai
2 今日は何曜日ですか? // วันนี้วันอะไร ワン(平)ニー(高)ワン(平)アライ(平)
kyo- wa nan yo-bi desuka? // wan n'ii wan ?arai
3 今日は何日ですか? // วันนี้วันที่เท่าไร ワン(平)ニー(高)ワン(平)ティー(降)タオ(降)ライ(平)
kyo- wa nan nichi desuka? // wan n'ii wan th>ii th>ao(+) rai
4 この場所はどこですか? // ที่นี่ที่ไหน ティー(降)ニー(高)ティー(降)ナイ(昇)
kono basho wa doko desuka? // th>ii n'ii th>ii n<ai
5 住所はどこですか? // ที่อยู่ของคุณอยู่ที่ไหน ティー(降)ユー(低)コーン(昇)クン(平)ユー(低)ティー(降)ナイ(昇)
ju-sho wa doko desuka? // th>ii y,uu(+) kh<oo(a)ng khu(+)n y,uu(+) th>ii n<ai
6 電話番号は何番ですか? // เบอร์โทรศัพท์อะไร バァゥー(平)トー(平)ラ(平)サップ(低)アライ(平)
denwa bango- wa nan ban desuka? // baa(*) thoo ra s,ap ?arai
7 今日の天気はどうですか? // อากาศวันนี้เป็นอย่างไร アー(平)カート(低)ワン(平)ニー(高)ペン(平)ヤーン(低)ライ(平)
kyo- no tenki wa do- desuka? // ?aa k,aat wan n'ii pe(i)n y,aang rai
8 雨が降りそうですか? // ท่าทางฝนจะตกไหม ター(降)ターン(平)フォン(昇)チャ(低)トク(低)マイ(高)
ame ga furiso- desuka? // th>aa thaang f<o(+)n c,a? t,o(+)k m'ai

(24) その他 // อื่นๆ ウィーン(低)ウィーン(低)
sono hoka // ?,uu(i)n ?,uu(i)n
24 ←クリックしてタイ語の音声が聞けます

1 はい、これです(物を差し出すとき) // ครับ นี่ ครับ / ค่ะ นี่ ค่ะ クラップ(高)ニー(降)クラップ(高)/カー(降)ニー(降)カー(降)
hai, kore desu (mono wo sasi dasu toki) // khr'ap n>ii khr'ap / kh>a n>ii kh>a
2 どうぞ(許可を求められたとき) // เชิญ チァゥーン(平)
do-zo(kyoka wo motomerareta toki) // chaa(*)n
3 どうぞお先に // เชิญก่อน チャゥーン(平)コァーン(低)
do-zo osaki ni // chaa(*)n k,oo(a)n
4 お話があります // มีเรื่องจะคุย ミー(平)ルアン(降)チャ(低)クイ(平)
ohanashi ga arimasu // mii r>u(i)ang c,a? khu(+)i
5 お天気次第です // แล้วแต่อากาศ レァーオ(平)テー(低)アー(平)カー(低)
otenki shidai desu // l'ee(a)o(+) t,ee(a) ?aa k,aat
6 友達次第です // แล้วแต่เพื่อน レァーオ(平)テー(低)プアン(降)
tomodachi shidai desu // l'ee(a)o(+) t,ee(a) ph>u(i)an
7 日本人の通訳をお願いできますか? // ขอล่ามคนญี่ปุ่นได้ไหม コー(昇)ラーム(降)コン(平)イー(降)プン(低)ダイ(降)マイ(高)
nihon jin no tsu-yaku wo onegai dekimasuka? // kh<oo(a) l>aam kho(+)n y>ii p,u(+)n d>ai m'ai
8 一番重要なことは何ですか? // อะไรที่สำคัญที่สุด アライ(平)ティー(降)サム(昇)カン(平)ティー(降)スット(低)
ichiban ju-yo- na koto wa nan desuka? // ?arai th>ii s<am khan th>ii s,u(+)t
9 すみません // ขอโทษ コー(昇)トート(降)
sumimasen // kh<oo(a) th>oo(+)t
10 笑い事ではありません // ไม่ใช่เรื่องที่น่าหัวเราะ マイ(降)チャイ(降)ルアン(降)ティー(降)ナー(降)フア(昇)ロッ(高)
warai goto dewa arimasen // m>ai ch>ai r>u(i)ang th>ii n>aa h<u(+)a r'o(a)?

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基礎タイ語 9課~16課

(9) 一般的なあいづち // คำตอบ カム(平)トープ(低)
ippan teki na aizuchi // kham t,oo(a)p
09 ←クリックしてタイ語の音声が聞けます

1 なるほど // งั้นหรือ ンガン(高)ルー(昇)
naruhodo // ng'an r<uu(i)
2 そうか // ใช่นะ チャイ(降)ナッ(高)
so-ka // ch>ai n'a?
3 そうですね // ใช่นะ チャイ(降)ナッ(高)
so-desune // ch>ai n'a?
4 そうですか // งั้นหรือ ンガン(高)ルー(昇)
so-desuka // ng'an r<uu(i)
5 そう思います // เห็นด้วย ヘン(昇)ドゥアイ(降)
so-omoimasu // h<e(i)n d>u(+)ai
6 そうは思いません // ไม่เห็นด้วย マイ(降)ヘン(昇)ドゥアイ(降)
so- wa omoi masen // m>ai h<e(i)n d>u(+)ai
7 そのとうりです。 // ใช่ チャイ(降)
sono to-ri desu // ch>ai
8 それは知りませんでした。 // ฉันไม่รู้นี้มาก่อน チャン(昇)マイ(降)ルー(高)ニー(高)マー(平)コーン(低)
sore wa shirimasen deshita // ch<an m>ai r'uu(+) n'ii maa k,oo(a)n
9 いいですね。 // ดีนะ ティー(平)ナッ(高)
i- desune // dii n'a?
10 信じられませんねえ。 // ไม่น่าเชื่อนะ マイ(降)ナー(降)チュア(降)ナッ(高)
shinjiraremasen ne- // m>ai n>aa ch>u(i)a n'a?
11 それは大変ですね。 // นั้นลำบากนะ ナン(高)ラム(平)バーク(低)ナッ(高)
sore wa taihen desune // n'an lam b,aak n'a?
12 そうだといいですね。 // ใช่ก็ดีนะ チャイ(降)コー(降)ディー(平)ナッ(高)
so- dato i- desune? // ch>ai k>oo(a) dii n'a?
13 もちろん // แน่ละ ネァー(降)ラッ(高)
mochiron // n>ee(a) l'a?
14 多分そうでしょう // อาจจะใช่ アート(低)チャ(低)チャイ(降)
tabun so- desho- // ?,aat c,a? ch>ai
15 おもしろそうですね // ถ้าจะสนุกนะ ター(降)チャッ(低)サ(平)ヌーク(低)ナッ(高)
omoshiro so- desune // th>aa c,a? san,u(+)k n'a?

(10) よくわからないときの返事 // คำตอบเมื่อไม่ค่อยเข้าใจ カム(平)トープ(低)ムア(降)マイ(降)コァーイ(降)カオ(降)チャイ(平)
yoku wakaranai tokino henji // kam t,oo(a)p m>u(i)a m>ai kh>oo(a)i kh>ao(+) cai
10 ←クリックしてタイ語の音声が聞けます

1 知りません // ไม่รู้ マイ(降)ルー(高)
sirimasen // m>ai r'uu(+)
2 はっきりとはわかりません // ไม่ค่อยเข้าใจ マイ(降)コァーイ(降)カオ(降)チャイ(平)
hakkirito wa wakarimasen // m>ai kh>oo(a)i kh>ao(+) cai
3 たぶんそうではないと思います // คิดว่าคงจะไม่ใช่ キット(高)ワー(降)コン(平)チャッ(低)マイ(降)チャイ(降)
tabun so- dewa nai to omoimasu // kh'it w>aa kho(+)ng c,a? m>ai ch>ai
4 覚えていません // จำไม่ได้ チャム(平)マイ(降)ダイ(降)
oboete imasen // cam m>ai d>ai
5 よく覚えていません // จำไม่ค่อยได้ チャム(平)マイ(降)コーイ(降)ダイ(降)
yoku oboete imasen // cam m>ai kh>oo(a)i d>ai

(11) 強めのあいづち // คำเกี่ยวกับเห็นด้วย カム(平)キアオ(低)カップ(低)ヘン(昇)ドゥアイ(降)
tsuyome no aizuchi // kham k,iao k,ap h<e(i)n d>u(+)ai
11 ←クリックしてタイ語の音声が聞けます

1 確かです // แน่นอน ネァー(降)ノァーン(平)
tashika desu // n>ee(a) noo(a)n
2 絶対そうです // ใช่แน่เลย チャイ(降)ネァー(降)ラァゥーイ(平)
zettai so- desu // ch>ai n>ee(a) laa(*)i
3 そうに違いない // คงจะใช่ コン(平)チャッ(低)チャイ(降)
so- ni chigai nai // kho(+)ng c,a? ch>ai
4 それは無理です // นั้นไม่ได้ ナン(高)マイ(降)ダイ(降)
sore wa muri desu // n'an m>ai d>ai
5 本当ですか // จริงหรือ チン(平)ルィー(昇)
honto- desuka // cing r<uu(i)
6 またですか // อีกแล้วหรือ イーク(低)レァーオ(高)ルィー(昇)
mata desu ka // ?,iik l'ee(a)o(+) r<uu(i)

(12) 自分について述べるとき // พูดตัวเอง プート(降)トゥア(平)エーン(平)
jibun ni tsuite noberu toki // ph>uu(+)t tu(+)a ?eeng
12 ←クリックしてタイ語の音声が聞けます

1 私は日本人です // ฉันเป็นคนญี่ปุ่น チャン(昇)ペン(平)コン(平)イー(降)プン(低)
watashi wa nihonjin desu // ch<an pe(i)n kho(+)n y>ii p,u(+)n
2 私は旅行者です // ฉันเป็นนักท่องเที่ยว チャン(昇)ペン(平)ナク(高)トオァーン(降)ティアオ(降)
watashi wa ryoko-sha desu // ch<an pe(i)n n'ak th>oo(a)ng th>iao(+)
3 私は旅行中です // ฉันกำลังท่องเที่ยว チャン(昇)カムラン(平)トァーン(降)ティアオ(降)
watashi wa ryoko- chu- desu // ch<an kamlang th>oo(a)ng th>iao(+)
4 日本から来ました // ฉันมาจากญี่ปุ่น チャン(昇)マー(平)チャーク(低)イー(降)プン(低)
nihon kara kimashita // ch<an maa c,aak y>ii p,u(+)n
5 東京の出身です // ฉันเป็นคนโตเกียว チャン(昇)ペン(平)コン(平)トーキアオ(平)
to-kyo- no shusshin desu // ch<an pe(i)n kho(+)n too(+) kiao(+)
6 東京からやってきました // ฉันมาจากโตเกียว チャン(昇)マー(平)チャーク(低)トーキアオ(平)
to-kyo- kara yatte kimashita // ch<an maa c,aak too(+) kiao(+)
7 私は外国人です // ฉันเป็นคนต่างชาติ チャン(昇)ペン(平)コン(平)ターン(低)チャート(降)
watashi wa gaikoku jin desu // ch<an pe(i)n kho(+)n t,aang ch>aat
8 私はタイ語が話せます // ฉันพูดภาษาไทยได้ チャン(昇)プート(降)パー(平)サー(昇)タイ(平)ダイ(降)
watashi wa taigo ga hanase masu // ch<an ph>uu(+)t phaas<aa thai d>ai
9 私は車の運転が出来ます // ฉันขับรถยนต์ได้ チャン(昇)カプ(低)ロット(高)ヨン(平)ダイ(降)
watashi wa kuruma no unten ga dekimasu // ch<an kh,ap r'o(+)t yo(+)n d>ai
10 私の名前は~です // ฉันซื้อ~ チャン(昇)チュィー(降)
watashi no namae wa ~ desu // ch<an ch>uu(i)...
11 私は21才です // ฉันอายุยี่สิบเอ็ดปี チャン(昇)アー(平)ユッ(高)イー(降)シップ(低)エット(低)ピー(平)
watashi wa niju-issai desu // ch<an ?aa y'u(+)? y>ii s,ip ?,e(i)t pii
12 大丈夫です // ไม่เป็นไร マイ(降)ペン(平)ライ(平)
daijo-bu desu // m>ai pe(i)n rai
13 私はそれを一人でやれます // ฉันทำด้วยตัวเองได้ チャン(昇)タム(平)ドゥアイ(降)トゥア(平)エーン(平)ダイ(降)
watashi wa sorewo hitori de yaremasu // ch<an tham d>u(+)ai tu(+)a ?ee(i)ng d>ai
14 それについては何も知りません // ฉันไม่รู้เรื่องนั้นเลย チャン(昇)マイ(降)ルー(高)ルィアンg(降)ナン(高)ラァゥーイ(平)
soreni tuitewa nani mo sirimasen // ch<an m>ai r'uu(+) r>u(i)ang n'an laa(*)i

(13) 相手のことを尋ねるとき // คำถาม カム(平)ターム(昇)
aite no kotowo tazuneru toki // kham th<aam
13 ←クリックしてタイ語の音声が聞けます

1 お名前をうかがえますか? // ขอทราบชื่อของคุณหน่อยได้ไหม コー(昇)サープ(降)チュー(降)コーン(降)クン(平)ノーイ(低)ダイ(降)マイ(高)
onamae wo ukagae masuka? // kh<oo(a) s>aap ch>uu(i) kh<oo(a)ng khu(+)n n,oo(a)i d>ai m'ai
2 電話番号をうかがえますか? // ขอเบอร์โทรศัพท์หน่อย コー(昇)バァゥー(平)トー(平)ラ(平)サプ(低)ノーイ(高)
denwa bango- wo ukagae masuka? // kh<oo(a) baa(*) thoo(+)ras,ap n'oo(a)i
3 ご住所はどちらでしょうか? // ขอที่อยู่หน่อย コー(昇)ティー(降)ユー(低)ノーイ(低)
go ju-sho wa dochira desho- ka? // kh<oo(a) th>ii y,uu(+) n,oo(a)i
4 お国はどちらですか? // คุณเป็นคนสัญชาติอะไร クン(平)ペン(平)コン(平)サン(昇)チャート(降)アライ(平)
okuni wa dochira desuka? // khu(+)n pe(i)n kho(+)n s<an ch>aat ?arai
5 ご職業は何ですか? // คุณทำอาชีพอะไร クン(平)タム(平)アー(平)チープ(降)アライ(平)
goshokugyo- wa nan desuka? // khu(+)n tham ?aach>iip ?arai
6 あなたのご意見は? // ความคิดของคุณว่าอย่างไร クワーム(平)キット(高)コーン(昇)クン(平)ワー(降)ヤーン(低)ライ(平)
anatano goiken wa? // khuwaam kh'it kh<oo(a)ng khu(+)n w>aa y,aang rai
7 あなたはお好きですか? // คุณชอบหรือเปล่า クン(平)チョープ(降)ルー(昇)プラウ(低)
anatawa osuki desuka? // khu(+)n ch>oo(+)p r<uu(i) pl,ao(+)
8 あなたはにほん語が話せますか? // คุณพูดภาษาญี่ปุ่นได้ไหม クン(平)プート(降)パーサー(昇)イープン(低)ダイ(降)マイ(高)
anatawa nihongo ga hanasemasuka? // khu(+)n ph>uu(+)t phaas<aa y>ii p,u(+)n d>ai m'ai

(14) 頼みごとをするとき // คำความวอน カム(平)クワーム(平)ウォーン(平)
tanomigoto wo suru toki // kham khwaam woo(a)n
14 ←クリックしてタイ語の音声が聞けます

1 お願いがあるのですが? // ต้องขอความกรุณาคุณหน่อย トーン(降)コー(昇)クワーム(平)カルナー(平)クン(平)ノーイ(低)
onegai ga aru no desuga? // t>oo(a)ng kh<oo(a) khwaam karu(+)naa khu(+)n n,oo(a)i
2 窓をあけていただけますか? // กรุณาเปิดหน้าต่างด้วย カルナー(平)パァゥート(平)ナー(降)ターン(低)ドゥアイ(降)
mado wo akete itadakemasuka? // karu(+)naa p,aa(*)t n>aa t,aang d>u(+)ai
3 お手伝いいただけますか? // กรุณาช่วยเหลือหน่อยได้ไหม カルナー(平)チュアイ(降)ルゥァー(昇)ノーイ(低)ダイ(降)マイ(高)
otetsudai itadakemasuka? // karu(+)naa ch>u(+)ai l<u(i)a n,oo(+)i d>ai m'ai
4 ちょっとおじゃましてよろしいですか? // ขอรบกวนคุณหน่อย コー(昇)ロップ(高)クアン(平)クン(平)ノーイ(低)
chotto ojama shite yoroshi- desuka? // kh<oo(a) r'o(+)p ku(+)an khu(+)n n,oo(a)i
5 あなたに頼みたいことがあります // มีเรื่องที่จะต้องขอร้องคุณ ミー(平)ルアン(降)ティー(降)チャ(低)トーン(降)コー(昇)ローン(高)クン(平)
anatani tanomitai koto ga arimasu // mii r>u(i)ang th>ii c,a? t>oo(a)ng kh<oo(a) r'oo(a)ng khu(+)n
6 もしご迷惑でなければ // ถ้าไม่รบกวน ター(降)マイ(降)ロップ(高)クアン(平)
moshi gomeiwaku de nakereba // th>aa m>ai r'o(+)p ku(+)an

(15) 申し出、依頼をことわるとき // คำปฏิเสธ
mo-shide , irai wo kotowaru toki // kham pa th,i s,ee(i)t カム(平)パ(平)ティッ(低)セート(低)
15 ←クリックしてタイ語の音声が聞けます

1 いいえ、結構です // ไม่ ไม่เอา マイ(降)マイ(降)アーオ(平)
i-e kekko- desu // m>ai m>ai ?ao(+)
2 今、結構です // เวลานี้ไม่เอา ウェーラー(平)ニー(高)マイ(降)アオ(平)
ima, kekko- desu // wee(i)laa n'ii m>ai ?ao(+)
3 十分いただきました // ได้มาพอแล้ว ダイ(降)マー(平)ポァー(平)レァーオ(高)
ju-bun itadaki mashita // d>ai maa phoo(a) l'ee(a)o(+)
4 それは好きではありません // ไม่ชอบ マイ(降)チョープ(降)
sore wa suki dewa arimasen // m>ai ch>oo(a)p
5 それは必要ありません // ไม่จำเป็น マイ(降)チャム(平)ペン(平)
sore wa hitsuyo arimasen // m>ai cam pe(i)n
6 自分でできます // ทำเองได้ タム(平)エーン(平)ダイ(降)
jibun de dekimasu // tham ?eeng d>ai
7 私向きではありません // ไม่ถูกกับฉัน マイ(降)トゥーク(低)カップ(低)チャン(昇)
watashi muki dewa arimasen // m>ai t,uu(+)k k,ap ch<an
8 お役に立てそうにもありません // คงจะช่วยเหลือคุณไม่ได้ コン(平)チャッ(低)チュアイ(降)ルィー(昇)クン(平)マイ(降)ダイ(降)
oyaku ni tateso- nimo arimasen // kho(+)ng c,a? ch>u(+)ai l<u(i)a khu(+)n m>ai d>ai
9 考えてみましょう // เอาไว้พิจารณาดูก่อนนะ アオ(平)ワイ(高)ピッ(高)チャー(平)ラ(平)ナー(平)ドゥー(平)コーン(低)ナッ(高)
kangaete mimasho- // ?ao w'ai ph'i caa ra naa duu(+) k,oo(a)n n'a?

(16) 許可を求めるとき // เมื่อเอาอนุญาต ムア(降)アオ(平)ア(平)ヌ(高)ヤート(降)
kyoka wo motomeru toki // m>u(i)a ?ao(+) a n'u(+) y>aat
16 ←クリックしてタイ語の音声が聞けます

1 タバコを吸ってもいいですか? // ขอสูบบุหรี่ได้ไหม コー(昇)スープ(平)ブ(平)リー(低)ダイ(降)マイ(高)
tabako wo suttemo i- desuka? // kh<oo(a) s,uu(+)p bu (+)r,ii d>ai m'ai
2 テレビをつけてもかまいませんか? // ขอเปิดที่วีได้ไหม コー(昇)パァゥート(低)ティー(降)ウィー(平)ダイ(降)マイ(高)
terebi wo tsuketemo kamaima sen ka? // kh<oo(a) p,aa(*)t th>ii wii d>ai m'ai
3 窓をあけてもよろしいですか? // ขอเปิดหน้าต่างได้ไหม コー(昇)パァゥート(低)ナー(降)ターン(低)ダイ(降)マイ(昇)
mado wo aketemo yoroshi- desuka? // kh<oo(a) p,aa(*)t n>aa t,aang d>ai m'ai
4 ここに座ってよいですか? // ขอนั่งตรงนี้ได้ไหม コー(昇)ナン(降)トン(平)ニー(高)ダイ(降)マイ(高)
kokoni suwatte yoi desuka? // kh<oo(a) n>ang tro(+)ng n'ii d>ai m'ai
5 ペンをお借りしてよいですか? // ขอยูมปากกาได้ไหม コー(昇)ユーム(平)パー(低)カー(平)ダイ(降)マイ(高)
pen wo okari shite yoi desuka? // kh<oo(a) yuu(+)m p,aak kaa d>ai m'ai
6 電話をお借りしてよいですか? // ขอใช้โทรศัพท์ได้ไหม コー(昇)チャイ(高)トー(平)ラ(平)サップ(低)ダイ(降)マイ(高)
dennwa wo okari shite yoi desuka? // kh<oo(a) ch'ai thoo(+) ra s,ap d>ai m'ai

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社説:ODA白書 国民理解深める努力を

(Mainichi Japan) March 27, 2012
Editorial: Japan has duty to help other nations through ODA
社説:ODA白書 国民理解深める努力を

One point of note in the recently completed Ministry of Foreign Affairs whitepaper on Japan's overseas Official Development Assistance (ODA) programs is how many of the nations that came to this country's assistance after the March 2011 disasters did so expressing thanks for those ODA efforts. The report highlights once more how important ODA is, that it is in fact one of the pillars of Japanese foreign policy. However, we must make sure that the Japanese people know this as well.

Analysis of the links between last year's natural disasters and Japan's ODA programs comes at the very beginning of the whitepaper -- entitled "ODA and Japan's bonds with the world" -- which states that other nations are "strongly calling on Japan to overcome the Great East Japan Earthquake and make active international contributions starting with continuing ODA programs."

Japan's ODA heyday came in the 1990s, when it was spending more than 1 trillion yen per year on foreign development programs -- the highest of any country in the world at the time. Since then, however, budget crunches have seen that amount decline, and Japan is now fifth in the world in ODA spending behind the United States, Britain, Germany and France. The proposed ODA budget for fiscal 2012 stands at 561.2 billion yen, and while Japan's spending drops, other nations are upping their program budgets. In 2010, Britain increased its ODA outlays by 20 percent, while Germany and France are also spending more.

Japan's total spending on ODA programs is just 0.2 percent of gross national income (GNI), ranking it 20th among the 23 nations with major foreign assistance programs, which spend an average of 0.32 percent of GNI on ODA efforts. Meanwhile the current cellar-dweller, South Korea, plans to boost its ODA budget to 0.25 percent of GNI by 2015, meaning it could soon overtake Japan. With China also boosting foreign aid, especially to African nations, Japan's presence on the international ODA stage is getting slowly weaker.

Amid all this, Japanese public support for ODA spending is sliding. According to a 2011 Cabinet Office survey, public support for ODA stood at just 27 percent -- a 5 point drop from the year before. Also, the percentage of respondents who said ODA spending should stay at about current levels went from 43 in 2010 to 47 in 2011. Meanwhile, public worries over the opacity and efficiency of long-term ODA programs seem to persist. Furthermore, it's likely that now, after last year's terrible disasters, the Japanese people would prefer the nation's coin be spent on helping survivors rebuild their lives. ODA programs do indeed use up a lot of taxpayers' money, and it's perfectly natural that debate on ODA be fierce.

However, the basic foreign policy principle behind the programs -- that ODA helps build global stability, and global stability is connected to domestic stability -- is absolutely correct.

"It is the duty of Japan as one of the world's leading nations to take on the resolution of global issues," the foreign ministry whitepaper states, and so it is. It is not enough, however, to simply repeat this principle. Exactly how ODA works in Japan's interest must be explained properly to a skeptical public.

To take a couple of examples from the whitepaper, the public should know that products from the disaster areas in northeast Japan are being used in projects to help developing countries, and that ODA leads to business opportunities for Japanese firms providing, for instance, energy-saving and environmental technologies. There is also a need to think about ways to better the quality of ODA initiatives.

Japan began its ODA efforts in 1954 as a way to make war reparations, secure resources and promote peace. The aims of the programs, however, have changed in line with the times. To make sure that Japanese ODA meets the needs of this era, we call on our politicians to take the lead in deepening public debate on what forms our foreign assistance should take.

毎日新聞 2012年3月27日 2時33分

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2012年3月27日 (火)

基礎タイ語 1課~8課

(1) あいさつ //  カーン(平)タク(高)ターイ(平) การทักทาย
aisatsu // kaan t'aktaai
01 ←クリックしてタイ語の音声が聞けます

1 こんにちは // サ(平)ワッ(低)ディー(平) สวัสดี
konnichiwa // sa w,at dii
2 おはよう // サ(平)ワッ(低)ディー(平) สวัสดี
ohayo- // sa w,at dii
3 こんばんは // サ(平)ワッ(低)ディー(平) สวัสดี
konbanwa // sa w,at dii
4 ご機嫌いかがですか? // サバーイ(平)ディー(平)ルィー(昇) สบายดีหรือ
gokigen ikaga desuka? // sabaai dii r<uu(i)
5 調子はどうですか? // サバーイ(平)ディー(平)ルィー(昇) สาบายดีหรือ
cho-shi wa do- desuka? // sabaai dii r<uu(i)
6 元気です // サバーイ(平)ディー(平) สาบายดี
genki desu // sabaai dii
7 あなたは、いかがですか? // クン(平)ラ(高)サバーイ(平)ディー(平)ルィー(昇) คุณล่ะสาบายดีหรือ
anatawa ikaga desuka? // khu(+)n l'a? sabaai dii r<uu(i)
8 私も元気です、ありがとう // チャン(昇)サバーイ(平)ディー(平)コァープ(低)クン(平) ฉันสาบายดี ขอบคุณ
watashimo genki desu, arigato- // ch<an sabaai dii kh,oo(a)p khu(+)n
9 はじめまして // インディー(平)ティー(降)ダイ(降)ルー(高)チャク(低)クン(平) ยินดีที่ได้รู้จักคุณ
hajime mashite // yindii th>ii d>ai r'uu(i)c,ak khu(+)n
10 お目にかかれてうれしいです // インディー(平)ティー(降)ダイ(降)ポップ(高)クン(平) ยินดีที่ได้พบคุณ
ome ni kakarete ureshi- desu // yindii th>ii d>ai ph'o(+)p khu(+)n
11 またお会いできてよかったです // ディーチャイ(平)ティー(降)ダイ(降)ポップ(高)クン(平)イーク(低) ดีใจที่ได้พบคุณอีก
mata oai dekite yokatta desu // dii cai th>ii d>ai ph'o(+)p khu(+)n ?,iik
12 自己紹介させて下さい // コァー(昇)ネァ(高)ナム(平)トゥア(平)エーン(平) ขอแนะนำตัวแอง
jiko shokai sasete kudasai // kh<oo(a) n'e(a)? nam tu(+)a ?ee(a)ng
13 おめでとうございます // コァー(昇)サデァーン(平)クワーム(平)インディー(平) ขอแสดงความยินดี
omedeto- gozaimasu // kh<oo(a) sadee(a)ng khwaam yindii
14 お先にどうぞ // チゥァーン(平)コァーン(低) เชิญก่อน
osaki ni do-zo // chaa(*)n k,oo(a)n
15 乾杯 // チョン(平)ケァーオ(降) ชนแก้ว
kanpai // cho(+)n k>ee(a)o(+)

(2) 別れのあいさつ // カム(平)ラ(平)コーン(低) คำลาก่อน
wakare no aisatsu // kham lak,oo(a)n
02 ←クリックしてタイ語の音声が聞けます

1 さようなら // ラー(平)コァーン(低)ナ(高) ลาก่อนนะ
sayo-nara // laa k,oo(a)n n'a?
2 またお会いしましょう // レァーオゥ(高)ポップ(高)カン(平)マイ(低)ナ(高) แล้วพบกันใหม่นะ
mata oai shimasho- // l'ee(a)o(+) ph'o(+)p kan m,ai n'a?
3 よいご旅行を // コオァー(高)ハイ(降)クン(平)ティアオ(降)ハイ(降)サヌク(低) ขอให้คุณเที่ยวให้สนุก
yoi goryoko- wo // kh<oo(a) h>ai khu(+)n th>iao(+) h>ai san,u(+)k
4 気をつけて // ラワン(平)ナ(高) ระวังนะ
ki wo tsukete // rawang n'a?
5 お先に // ラー(平)コァーン(低)ナ(高) ลาก่อนนะ
osaki ni // laa k,oo(a)n n'a?
6 お先に失礼します // パイ(平)コァーン(低)ナ(高) ไปก่อนนะ
osaki ni shitsure- shimasu // pai k,oo(a)n n'a?

(3) 声をかけるとき // ムア(平)ラーム(降)プート(降)カップ(低)プアン(降) เมื่อเริ่มพูดกับเพื่อน
koe wo kakeru toki // mu(i)a r>aa(*)m ph>uut k,ap ph>u(i)an
03 ←クリックしてタイ語の音声が聞けます

1 すみません // コー(昇)トーッ(降) ขอโทษ
sumimasen // k<oo(a) th>oo(+)t
2 失礼ですが // コー(昇)トーッ(降) ขอโทษ
shitsure-desu ga // k<oo(a) th>oo(+)t
3 ごめんなさい // コー(昇)トーッ(降) ขอโทษ
gomen nasai // k<oo(a) th>oo(+)t
4 もしもし(電話) // ハン(平)ロー(昇) ฮัลโหล
moshi moshi // hanl<oo(+)
5 ~さん(男性) // クン(平) คุณ~
~san (danse-) // khu(+)n
6 ~さん(女性) // クン(平) คุณ~
~san (jose-) // khu(+)n
7 ~さん(未婚女性) // クン(平) คุณ~
~san (mikon jose-) // khu(+)n
8 どうぞこちらへ // チゥァーン(平)ターン(平)ニー(高) เชิญทางนี้
do-zo kochira e // chaa(*)n thaang n'ii

(4) 感謝の言葉と答え方 //  カム(平)コープ(低)クン(平)レ(高)トープ(低) คำขอบคุณและตอบ
kansha no kotoba to kotae kata //  kham kh,oo(a)p khun l'e t,oo(a)p
04 ←クリックしてタイ語の音声が聞けます

1 ありがとうございます // コァープ(低)クン(平)カッ(高)/クラップ(高) ขอบคุณคะ/ครับ
arigato- gozaimasu // kh,oo(a)p khu(+)n kh'? / khr'ap
2 ありがとう // コァープ(低)クン(平) ขอบคุณ
arigato- // kh,oo(a)p khu(+)n
3 どうもありがとうございます // コァープ(低)クン(平)マーク(降)カッ(高)/クラップ(高) ขอบคุณมากคะ/ครับ
do-mo arigato- gozaimasu // kh,oo(a)p khu(+)n m>aak kh'? / khr'ap
4 おかまいなく // マイ(降)ペン(平)ライ(平) ไม่เป็นไร
okamai naku // m>ai pe(i)n rai
5 どうぞおかまいなく // マイ(降)トーン(降)ラム(平)バーク(低)ナ(高) ไม่ต้องลำบากนะ
do-zo okamai naku // m>ai t>oo(a)ng lamb,aak n'a?
6 お手伝いいただき、ありがとうございます // コァープ(低)クン(平)マーク(降)ティー(降)チュアイ(降)ルァー(昇) ขอบคุณมากที่ช่วยหรือ
otetsudai itadaki arigato- gozaimasu // kh,oo(a)p khu(+)n m>aak th>ii ch>u(+)an r<uu(i)
7 これからも同様に、よろしくお願いします // チェーン(降)ディアオ(平)カン(平) เช่นเดียวกัน
korekaramo do-yo- ni yoroshiku onegai itashimasu // ch>ee(i)n diao(+) kan
8 お体に気をつけて // クン(平)トァーン(降)ラ(高)ワン(平)ラク(高)サー(昇)ス(低)カ(低)パープ(降)ドゥアイ(降)ナ(高) คุณต้องระวังรักษาสุขภาพด้วยนะ
okarada ni ki wo tsukete // khu(+)n t>oo(a)ng r'a?wang r'aks<aa s,u(+)k k,a ph>aap d>u(+)ai n'a?
9 お話できて楽しかったです // ディー(平)チャイ(平)ティー(降)ダイ(降)クイ(平)カン(平) ดีใจที่ได้คุยกัน
ohanashi dekite tanoshi katta desu // dii cai th>ii d>ai khu(+)i kan
10 どういたしまして(人にものをあげたとき) // マイ(降)ペン(平)ライ(平) ไม่เป็นไร
do- itashi mashite (hito ni mono wo ageta toki) // m>ai pe(i)n rai
11 どういたしまして(人に何かしてあげたとき) // マイ(降)ペン(平)ライ(平) ไม่เป็นไร
do- itashi mashite (hito ni nanika shite ageta toki) // m>ai pe(i)n rai

(5) 謝罪の言葉と答え方 // カム(平)コー(昇)トーッ(降)レ(高)トープ(平) คำขอโทษและตอบ
shazai no kotoba to kotae kata // kham kh<oo(a) th>oo(a)t
l'e th,oo(a)p
05 ←クリックしてタイ語の音声が聞けます

1 失礼 // コー(昇)トーッ(降) ขอโทษ
shiture- // kh<oo(a) th>oo(a)t
2 申し訳ありません // コー(昇)トーッ(降) ขอโทษ
mo-shi wake arimasen // kh<oo(a) th>oo(a)t
3 すみません // コー(昇)トーッ(降) ขอโทษ
sumimasen // kh<oo(a) th>oo(a)t
4 本当に申し訳ありません // コー(昇)トーッ(降) ขอโทษ
honto- ni mo-shiwake arimasen // kh<oo(a) th>oo(a)t
5 ご面倒をかけてすみません // コー(昇)トーッ(降)ティー(降)ロップ(高)クウアン(平) ขอโทษที่รบกวน
gomendo- wo kakete sumimasen // kh<oo(a) th>oo(a)t th>ii r'o(+)p ku(+)an
6 遅れてすみません // コー(昇)トーッ(降)ティー(降)マー(平)サーイ(昇) ขอโทษที่มาสาย
okurete sumimasen // kh<oo(a) th>oo(a)t th>ii maa s<aai
7 いいんですよ // マイ(降)ペン(平)ライ(平) ไม่เป็นไร
i-n desuyo // m>ai pe(i)n rai
8 どうぞ気になさらずに // マイ(降)トァーン(降)ペン(平)フアン(昇) ไม่ต้องเป็นห่วง
do-zo kini nasarazuni // m>ai t>oo(a)ng pe(i)n h<u(+)ang
9 ご心配なく // マイ(降)トァーン(降)ペン(平)フアン(昇) ไม่ต้องเป็นห่วง
goshinpai naku // m>ai t>oo(a)ng pe(i)n h<u(+)ang

(6) 聞きなおすとき // ムア(降)ヤーク(降)ダイ(降)ターム(昇) เมื่อยากได้ถาม
kiki naosu toki //  m>u(i)a y>aak d>ai th<aam
06 ←クリックしてタイ語の音声が聞けます

1 何ですって? // アライ(平)ナ(高)カッ(高)/クラップ(高) อะไรนะคะ/ครับ
nan desutte // ?arai n'a? kh'? / khr'ap
2 聞き取れません // マイ(降)コァーイ(降)ダイ(降)イン(平) ไม่ค่อยได้ยิน
kiki tote masen // m>ai kh>oo(a)i d>ai yin
3 もっとゆっくり話していただけますか? // カルナー(平)プート(降)ハイ(降)チャー(高)チャー(高)クワー(低)ニー(高) กรุณาพูดให้ช้าๆกว่านี้
motto yukkuri hanashite itadake masu ka? // karu(+)naa ph>uu(+)t h>ai ch'aa ch'aa kw,aa n'ii
4 もう一度おっしゃってください // カルナー(平)プート(降)イーク(低)クラン(高) กรุณาพูดอีกครั้ง
mo- ichido osshatte kudasai // karu(+)naa ph>uu(+)t ?,iik khr'ang
5 もっとゆっくり繰り返してください // カルナー(平)プート(降)イーク(低)クラン(高)ハイ(降)チャー(高)クワー(低)ニー(高) กรุณาพูดอีกครั้งให้ช้ากว่านี้
motto yukkuri kurikaeshite kudasai // karu(+)naa ph>uu(+)t ?,iik khr'ang h>ai ch'aa kw,aa n'ii
6 もっとやさしい言葉で、もう一度言ってください // カルナー(平)プート(降)イーク(低)クラン(高)ハイ(降)ガーイ(低)クワー(低)ニー(高) กรุณาพูดอีกครั้งให้ง่ายกว่านี้
motto yasashi- kotoba de, mo- ichido itte kudasai // karu(+)naa ph>uu(+)t ?,iik khr'ang h>ai ng>aai kw,aa n'ii
7 おわかりになりましたか? // カオ(降)チャイ(平)マイ(高) เข้าใจไหม
owakari ni nari mashita ka? // kh>ao(+) chai m'ai

7番のเข้าใจไหมの ไหม は、タイ語の声調規則から言えば上昇声で発音すべきものであるが
info. by srachai

(7) 相手の言うことがわからないとき // ムア(降)マイ(降)カオ(降)チャイ(平)クァーム(平)マーイ(昇)プート(降)クン(平) เมื่อไม่เข้าใจความหมายพูด
aite no iu kotoga wakaranai toki // m>ua m>ai kh>ao cai khwaam m<aai ph>uu(+)t khu(+)n
07 ←クリックしてタイ語の音声が聞けます

1 どういう意味でおっしゃっているのですか? // ティー(降)クン(平)プート(降)マーイ(昇)クワーム(平)ヤーン(低)ライ(平) ที่คุณพูดหมายความว่าอย่างไร
do- iu imi de osshatte iru no desuka? // th>ii khu(+)n ph>uu(+)t m<aai khwaam y,aang rai
2 どういう意味ですか? // マーイ(昇)クワーム(平)ヤーン(低)ライ(平)
do- iu imi desuka? // m<aai khwaam w>aa y,aang rai หมายความว่าอย่างไร
3 すみませんが分かりません // コー(昇)トート(降)マイ(降)カオ(降)チャイ(平) ขอโทษไม่เข้าใจ
sumimasen ga wakarimasen // kh<oo(a) th>oo(+)t m>ai kh>ao(+) cai
4 まったく分かりません // マイ(降)カオ(降)チャイ(平)ラァゥーイ(平) ไม่เข้าใจเลย
mattaku wakari masen // m>ai kh>ao(+) cai laa(*)i
5 この言葉の意味はなんですか? // クワーム(平)マーイ(昇)コーン(昇)サプ(低)カム(平)ニー(高)ワー(降)アライ(平) ความหมายของศัพท์คำนี้ว่าอะไร
kono kotoba no imi wa nan desu ka? // khwaam m<aai kh<oo(a)ng s,ap kham n'ii w>aa arai
6 もう一度説明してもらえませんか? // カルナー(平)ア(低)ティ(高)バーイ(平)イーク(低)クラン(高) กรุณาอธิบายอีกครั้ง
mo- ichido setsume- shite morae masen ka? // karu(+)naa ?,a th'i baai ?,iik khr'ang
7 他の言い方で言っていただけますか? // カルナー(平)チャイ(高)カム(平)サプ(低)ウーン(低)プート(降)ダイ(降)マイ(高) กรุณาใช้คำศัพท์อื่นพูดได้ไหม
hoka no i-kata de itte itadake masuka? // karu(+)naa ch'ai kham s,ap ?,uu(i)n ph>uu(+)t d>ai m'ai

(8) うまく言えないとき //  プート(降)マイ(降)コァーイ(降)クローン(降) พูดไม่ค่อยคล่อง
umaku ienai toki //  Ph>uu(+)t m>ai kh>oo(a)i khl>oo(a)ng
08 ←クリックしてタイ語の音声が聞けます

1 うまく話せません // プート(降)マイ(降)コァーイ(降)クローン(降) พูดไม่ค่อยคล่อง
umaku hanase masen // Ph>uu(+)t m>ai kh>oo(a)i khl>oo(a)ng
2 適当な言葉が見つかりません // ハー(昇)カム(平)サプ(低)モァッ(低)ソム(昇)マイ(降)ダイ(降) หาคำศัพท์เหมาะสมไม่ได้
tekito- na kotoba ga mitsukari masen // h<aa kham s,ap m,o(a)? s<o(+)m m>ai d>ai
3 タイ語での言い方を知りません // マイ(降)ルー(高)チャイ(高)パーサー(平)タイ(平)プート(降)ワー(降)ヤーン(低)ライ(平) ไม่รู้ว่าใช้ภาษาไทยพูดว่าอย่างไร
taigo deno i-kata wo shiri masen // m>ai r'uu(+) ch'ai phaasaa thai ph>uu(+)t w>aa y,aang rai
4 正しい言い方がわかりません // マイ(降)ルー(高)プート(降)トゥーク(低)ルー(昇)プラオ(低) ไม่รู้ว่าพูดถูกหรือเปล่า
tadashi- i-kata ga wakari masen // m>ai r'uu(+) ph>uu(+)t th,uu(+)k r<uu(i) pl,ao(+)
5 どう説明したらよいのでしょうか? // マイ(降)ルー(高)ワー(降)ア(低)ティ(高)バーイ(平)ヤーン(低)ライ(平) ไม่รู้ว่าจะอธิบายอย่างไร
do- setsume- shitara yoi no de shouka // m>ai r'uu(+) w>aa c,a? ?,a th'i baai y,aang rai
6 私の言うことがわかりますか? // カオ(降)チャイ(平)ティー(降)チャン(昇)プート(降)ルー(昇)プラオ(低) เข้าใจที่ฉันพูดหรือเปล่า
watashi no iu koto ga wakari masuka? // kh>ao(+) cai th>ii ch<an ph>uu(+)t r<uu(i) pl,ao(+)
7 誤解しないでください // อย่าเข้าใจผิดนะ ヤー(低)カオ(降)チャイ(平)ピット(低)ナ(高)
gokai shinai de kudasai // y,aa kh>ao(+) cai ph,it n'a?
8 私のタイ語でも分かりますか? // クン(平)カオ(降)チャイ(平)カム(平)サプ(低)パーサータイ(平)コーン(昇)チャン(昇)ルー(昇)プラオ(低) คุณเข้าใจคำศัพท์ภาษาไทยของฉันหรือเปล่า
watashi no taigo demo wakari masuka? // khu(+)n kh>ao(+) cai kham s,ap phaasaa thai kh<oo(a)ng ch<an r<uu(i) pl,ao(+)

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(Mainichi Japan) March 26, 2012
Japan's postwar nuclear policy lingers

There are two types of atomic weapons. One is a uranium-kind or "Hiroshima-type" bomb and the other is a plutonium-kind or "Nagasaki-type" bomb. Iran says it is stockpiling enriched uranium for peaceful purposes but is suspected of having nuclear ambitions. Japan is also maintaining plutonium but is not suspected of going nuclear.

However, it cannot be said that Japan does not have military intentions. A policy of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes has implications for a diversion of nuclear energy for military use anytime. Nuclear energy is not unrelated to the military.

According to Akira Kurosaki, associate professor at Fukushima University who received the Suntory Prize for Social Sciences and Humanities for his 2006 book, "Nuclear Weapons and Japan-U.S. Relations," there were many materials to support the intentions of Japanese politicians and diplomats who tried to make Japan a potential nuclear power by promoting nuclear energy in the 1960s when the nation's post-World War II nuclear policy firmed up.

The prime minister at the time was Eisaku Sato (1901-1975). Sato presented four nuclear policies -- maintaining three non-nuclear principles of not possessing, not producing and not permitting the introduction of nuclear weapons into Japan, relying on an American nuclear deterrent, promoting the peaceful use of nuclear power and promoting nuclear disarmament.

The promotion of the peaceful use of nuclear power has a hidden intention of potentially possessing nuclear weapons.

Prime Minister Sato reacted bitterly to China's nuclear weapons test in 1964 and told then U.S. Ambassador to Japan Edwin Reischauer that Japan was fully capable of producing nuclear weapons with its scientific and industrial technologies. It was in 1965 that Japan's first commercial nuclear power plant in Tokai, Ibaraki Prefecture, achieved criticality.

In 1969, a study team of senior Foreign Ministry officials secretly produced an internal document on always holding Japan's potential to maintain economic and technological prowess to produce nuclear weapons. It was prepared shortly before the conclusion of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), which allows only the United States, the Soviet Union, Britain, France and China to possess nuclear weapons. The No. 1 reactor of the Fukushima No. 1 Nuclear Power Plant was completed in 1970. The Mainichi Shimbun had a scoop on the Foreign Ministry in-house document in 1994.

Kurosaki says the four nuclear policies were not necessarily drawn up by Sato. He put together and rubber-stamped the policies formulated after heated debate through Japan-U.S. negotiations, bureaucrats in the Kasumigaseki district, industry and ruling and opposition party lawmakers.

Even after that, the undercurrent surrounding Japan's nuclear policy did not change. When North Korea's nuclear problems surfaced in the 1990s, calls for Japan to go nuclear emerged, but they are still minority opinions even to this day.

In 2007, former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and three other nuclear arms experts pointed out that the traditional concept of nuclear deterrence has become obsolete in the post-Cold War era. In 2009, U.S. President Barack Obama drew global attention by calling for a world free of nuclear weapons, but the world has subsequently witnessed Chinese and Russian military expansion and North Korean and Iranian nuclear weapons development.

I interviewed Kurosaki in his office at Fukushima University last week. High-pressure cleaning vehicles were flushing radioactive materials from the campus. A native of the city of Niigata, Kurosaki studied law at Tohoku University and served as an assistant at Rikkyo University and held other posts before assuming his current post in 2009. If atomic weapons and nuclear power are two sides of the same coin, the March 11, 2011 twin natural disasters and resultant nuclear crisis appear to have forced Japan to radically change the course of its nuclear policy.

Japan possesses 45 tons of reprocessed plutonium which could be converted to military use. That amounts to about 4,000 "Nagasaki-type" atomic bombs. Japan can reduce its reprocessed plutonium by burning it at a fast-breeder reactor or pluthermal plant (using mixed oxide of uranium-plutonium fuel), but the prospects are bleak.

One wonders whether Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda would say Japan can carry out a nuclear fuel cycle using its own technology even though he has been unable to bring the collapsed nuclear power plant under control. Is there an option left for Japan to go nuclear today?

A two-day nuclear security summit opened in Seoul on March 26 by bringing together leaders of 53 countries. There is no argument about the need for debate on ways to prevent nuclear materials from finding their way into the hands of terrorists, but I also want these leaders to discuss a policy not to produce a dangerous and excessive volume of plutonium.

(By Takao Yamada, Expert Senior Writer)
毎日新聞 2012年3月26日 東京朝刊

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2012年3月26日 (月)

香山リカのココロの万華鏡:よりそいホットライン /東京



(Mainichi Japan) March 25, 2012
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: One place to turn to when in need of help
香山リカのココロの万華鏡:よりそいホットライン /東京

Psychiatrists' work at their consultation rooms is not limited only to providing psychological care. Recently in particular, when searching for the background of depression and insomnia there are traces of other specific problems, including violence, work and financial issues among many others. It is no secret that psychologists borrow other professionals' help.

In my consultation room, I always keep a list of help organizations, and if the case requires me to do so, I sometimes introduce my patients to such professionals. At times it feels as if my consultation room is not a place for medical treatment but more of a mediation facility.

A new great supporter has emerged for medical professionals like myself. A service called "Yorisoi Hotline," which had previously been centered in Iwate, Miyagi and Fukushima prefectures -- the three regions most severely affected by the March 11, 2011 disasters -- is now expanding nationwide. For the time being, until the end of March this year, it will accept calls from people on a 24-hour a day basis.

The hotline's most appealing point is that it accepts people's calls regardless of the nature of their anxieties. Lifestyle problems, domestic violence, homosexuality issues, consultations of a suicidal nature -- people are free to consult with the counselors on any issues they may need help with.

Furthermore, the hotline also provides consultations in foreign languages. Of course, people of all ages are free to call.

For people who need consultations, the availability of such a hotline is very welcome. I think that the greatest anxiety of people who need help is where to turn for assistance. Furthermore, due to the nature of their problems they often have to visit a number of different professionals, sometimes even being told things such as "this is not in the range of our expertise," suggesting that they turn to other places for assistance. For people who already have anxieties, this may only discourage them from seeking help.

Naturally, consultants at the Yorisoi Hotline are not experts on all problems, so I am not sure whether they will provide adequate advice through a one-time consultation.

However, I believe that the single fact that there is a place where people can turn to for help when they are at a loss over who to consult with about their problems gives them much strength.

At the same time, however, I worry about the people who work at the hotline. I worry that they may get sick after working on a 24-hour basis and listening to a great variety of problems. I wish that all of society will support this ground-breaking initiative.

I must be cautious not to mention the Yorisoi Hotline too much in my consultation room. But to tell the truth, I've already taught its phone number to several of my patients.

To the consultants at Yorisoi Hotline -- please excuse me for increasing your work. However, I have a lot of confidence in you!

(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞 2012年3月20日 地方版

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2012年3月25日 (日)





(Mainichi Japan) March 24, 2012
Remembering and remaking that which was destroyed

In this column, I have on previous occasions introduced the tireless efforts by filmmaker Masaaki Tanabe, 74, and others to record what happened to Hiroshima many decades ago. Now, their production panel is making serious progress on a computer graphics film reproducing scenes of pre-bombing Hiroshima within a kilometer of what was to become, on Aug. 6, 1945, ground zero of an atomic blast. Part of the film was unveiled to the public last week.

The crew of the "Enola Gay" B-29 bomber that carried the "Little Boy" atom bomb used central Hiroshima's Aioi Bridge as their bombing target. The film segment released last week shows groups of houses and buildings as well as lush stands of trees near the T-shaped bridge that could be seen before being reduced to ash by the nuclear blast.

Hiroshima was built on a river delta on the coast of the Seto Inland Sea, and the Aioi Bridge area would have smelled pleasantly of water and leaves. During the scorching summer people must have relished the shady embrace of the trees and the river breezes in the evening. Nearby, the ornate facade of the Hiroshima Prefectural Industrial Promotion Hall kept silent watch. After the blast, the building would go by another name: the Atomic Bomb Dome.

When Japan was about to enter the era of economic growth that was the post-war reconstruction period, people in Hiroshima were divided over whether to demolish the dome. There were people who insisted on preserving it in order not to forget the importance of peace and pass it on to future generations. Others wanted the building torn down because they did not want to be reminded of the horrors of the atomic bomb.

My late mother belonged to the latter group. In order to get to the heart of the city by tram, people had to cross the Aioi Bridge. It is still so even today. The Atomic Bomb Dome is just east of the span, and my mother told me she always averted her eyes from the skeletal structure when she was crossing the bridge.

She was only 1.5 kilometers from the hypocenter when the bomb went off, and was exposed to radiation from the blast. She remained reluctant to talk about the experience her entire life. Then again, hers is only one example of attitudes held by A-bomb survivors.

Nevertheless, my mother used to talk nostalgically about the splendor and beauty of the Hiroshima Prefectural Industrial Promotion Hall before it became the anti-nuclear icon it is today. Perhaps it symbolized the cheerfulness of the city in the pre-war era. It was designed by famous Czech architect Jan Letzel, and the copper dome was the highlight of the Hiroshima skyline. I believe my mother spoke of the hall out of a strong fascination with the structure.

The dome was designated a UNESCO World Heritage site in 1996, and there was no more debate on the fate of the building. My mother had already passed away by that time, so I can't ask her how she feels about it.

However, I now rather wish I could show her vibrant pre-war Hiroshima and the Hiroshima Prefectural Industrial Promotion Hall reproduced in CG -- the hall that she was always so keen to describe.

Filmmaker Tanabe and others built the recreation from rare photographs, archives and first-person descriptions, and the film is expected to be completed in three years. Though they have already collected so much, the crew continue to search out more materials and witnesses to the pre-war city.

I wonder if their efforts to reproduce the Hiroshima scenes that vanished in a mere instant of fire could provide some hints to reproducing the region devastated by last year's Great East Japan Earthquake.

In Hiroshima, there were movements to bring local residents and A-bomb victims together by reproducing maps of pre-war residential areas in the 1960s and preserving "pictures of the atomic bombing" in the 1970s.

Above all, I believe that it is time for young people to apply fresh ideas to reproduce pre-disaster Tohoku.

(By Kenji Tamaki, Expert Senior Writer)

毎日新聞 2012年3月20日 東京朝刊

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2012年3月24日 (土)

Coffee Break (wma file 01 to 13) upload準備中^^




Coffee Break (wma file 01 to 13)
I will present my favorite wma music to those who might be tired in editing postings.
I play classical guitar and the attached wma music are for classical guitar except no.1, romance by Faure.
Thank you.




(1) Romance by G.Faure (France) 
(2) Yesterday by the Beatles (England)
(3) Killing me softly with his song by words:norman gimbel music:charles fox (U.S.A. ?)
(4) Un Sueno En La Floresta by Agustin Pio Barrios Mangore  (1885-1944)(Paraguay?)


(5) Angostura-Vals Venezolano(Venezuelan Walts) by Antonio Lauro  (1917-1986)(Venezuela)
(6) Pavane-Capricho, Op.12 (Guitar arr. by Tarrega) by ALBENIZ, Isaac (1860-1909) (Spain)
(7) Sor-study no.19 (selected by Andress Segovia) op.29-no.13  by Fernando Sor (1778-1839)(Spain)
(8) Pavane for a Dead Princess by Joseph Maurice Ravel  (1875-1937)(France)
(9) Dedicatoria by Enrique Granados  (1867-1916) (Spain)
(10) Prelude No 5 - A419/5 ? by Heitor Villa-Lobos  (1887-1959) (Brazil)
(11) Js Bach-suite for unaccompanied cello no.6 in D, bwv 1012 by Johan Sevastian Bach  (1685-1750) (Germany)

(12) Pastral by Joaquin Rodrigo  (Joaquin Rodrigo)  (1901-1999)(Spain)
(13) Prelude no.1 by Manuel Maria Ponce  (1882-1948)(Mexico)

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社説:内部者情報取引 徹底解明で信頼回復を



(Mainichi Japan) March 23, 2012
Editorial: Regain financial market confidence through strict investigations, amended laws
社説:内部者情報取引 徹底解明で信頼回復を

Japan's Securities and Exchange Surveillance Commission (SESC) recommended that the Financial Services Agency fine Chuo Mitsui Asset Trust and Banking Co. for violating the Financial Instruments and Exchange Law.  証券取引等監視委員会が、金融商品取引法違反(インサイダー取引)の疑いで中央三井アセット信託銀行に課徴金を科すよう金融庁に勧告した。

Chuo Mitsui was found to have obtained internal insider information regarding the public stock offering of a company on the Tokyo Stock Exchange from Nomura Securities Co., the lead underwriter of the deal.

This incident was the first to expose the collusive ties between a major corporate investor and a leading securities firm.

To restore the confidence that has been lost from the Japanese market, a full-scale investigation into what occurred and the implementation of further preventative measures are crucial.

A Chuo Mitsui fund manager obtained information on the new share issue of Inpex stock in 2010 from a Nomura sales employee before it had been announced.

Based on the information, Chuo Mitsui used Japanese stock funds that it manages for overseas investors to buy and sell Inpex shares, making about 14 million yen in returns.

This is the first time that a trust company -- a major player in the stock market -- will be fined for insider trading.

Compared to cases of illegal trading that take place between individuals, an institutional violation has a far deeper impact on the market.

Chuo Mitsui officials say that in addition to setting up a special investigative committee to look into the case, it will implement measures to prevent such incidents happening again in the future, including prohibiting contact between its staff who manage stocks and sales staff from securities firms.

Chuo Mitsui must take its responsibility seriously, and institute measures to enforce compliance with the law.

Nomura Securities, too, is hugely responsible in this case, which marked the first time that a sales member from a securities firm was found to leak yet-unannounced information to an investor as part of their business transactions.

Securities firms have an investment banking division, which handles companies' share sales, as well as mergers and acquisitions; and a sales division.

Because insider information tends to concentrate in investment banking divisions, securities firms are required to adopt strict measures to prevent any insider information from traveling to their sales divisions.

While it is still unknown how the Nomura sales division employee who leaked insider information to Chuo Mitsui obtained the information in the first place, it's obvious that Nomura's method for information management had been insufficient.

Due to a variety of factors, including a sluggish stock market caused by the Lehman Shock of 2008, securities firms have performed poorly.

If impatience and anxiety with lagging performance is what motivated the recent scandal, then the problem is deeply rooted and serious.

Nomura must conduct an exhaustive inquiry, and re-examine how they handle sensitive information.

In 2010, allegations of violations over public offerings of Tokyo Electric Power Co. (TEPCO) and Nippon Sheet Glass Co. shares emerged, bringing with them accusations that overseas funds had been involved.

We urge the Securities and Exchange Surveillance Commission to cooperate closely with overseas authorities to uncover the truth.

With regards to the latest incident, Chuo Mitsui will only be fined 55,000 yen -- because that was what the management fee amounted to.

But isn't this amount too small for a company responsible for destroying market credibility?

Current laws that prevent whoever leaked the information from being penalized are also at fault.

We seek a re-evaluation of related laws to allow for more effective prevention.

毎日新聞 2012年3月23日 2時32分

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2012年3月23日 (金)

ギリシャ危機 破綻回避しても課題は山積

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Mar. 23, 2012)
Greek default avoided, but many problems remain
ギリシャ危機 破綻回避しても課題は山積(3月22日付・読売社説)

The Greek government, which has fallen into a fiscal crisis, has managed to get through a major bond redemption, avoiding a chaotic debt default.

We welcome the progress made in efforts to contain the eurozone crisis, which has plunged the world into turmoil.

But we must not fall prey to optimism that the crisis is over. The Greek government should not ease its watchfulness but do its utmost to revive its economy.

Disarray in the massive bond redemption was avoided as the Greek government was guaranteed the funds it needed for the redemption, thanks to a second rescue package worth up to 130 billion euros (about 14 trillion yen) from the European Union and the International Monetary Fund, together with a debt reduction by private creditor banks.

These makeshift measures to rescue the Greek government, at least for the time being, appear to have worked.


Global markets rebound

In the United States, the Dow Jones industrial average has been hovering above the 13,000 mark, and Tokyo stocks have recovered to above 10,000. The euro, which had plummeted, has turned upward against other major currencies.

Apparently responding positively to a recent upturn in the U.S. economy, a sense of reassurance seems to be spreading in the markets.

Yet there remains a mountain of problems.

The Greek government has faced the possibility of default many times, rocking Europe and the world. It must not cause such turmoil again.

First and foremost, the government must steadily implement the strict fiscal measures it promised, including cutting the number of civil servants and their wages, and tackling fiscal reconstruction and economic revival.

The new administration, to be chosen in a general election slated for late next month, will assume a heavy responsibility. It must contain public opinion opposing strict fiscal management and will also be tested as to how well it can foster internationally competitive industries.

The Greek government's debt ratio is a massive 160 percent of its gross domestic product. The government aims to reduce this to about 120 percent by 2020 through fiscal reconstruction.


5th year of negative growth seen

As the domestic economy has been deteriorating, however, Greece is expected to post negative year-on-year growth for the fifth straight year in 2012. It is difficult to achieve both fiscal reconstruction and economic expansion.

Should the government blunder in its handling of fiscal reconstruction, Greece may need additional assistance from outside. In Europe, there are other causes of crisis, as seen in the continued high yield of government bonds of Portugal, which continues to face fiscal problems.

The problem is that chiefly due to opposition from Germany, progress has been slower than expected in expanding the scale of lending of the European Stability Mechanism, which the EU will establish in July. Expanding the funding base of the IMF has also been put off.

To dispel future concern, it is vital to reinforce the safety net to prevent the market from falling into turmoil. The eurozone must recognize the reality of the crisis, reconfirm its solidarity and prove itself through concrete action.

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, March 22, 2012)
(2012年3月22日01時26分  読売新聞)

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2012年3月22日 (木)

記者の目:震災1年 切れかけた「絆」を目にして=竹内良和(東京社会部)

>>"It would be embarrassing not to be able to contribute at all because I'm hung up on the little things," Sugano says. "




(Mainichi Japan) March 21, 2012
Learning what it means to be a journalist through disaster victims
記者の目:震災1年 切れかけた「絆」を目にして=竹内良和(東京社会部)


Having reported from areas deeply affected by the Great East Japan Earthquake, tsunami and ensuing nuclear crisis since immediately after their outbreak, the question of whether I've been able to convey the disaster survivors' reality weighs increasingly more heavily on my mind.

Over the past year, survivors repeatedly told me that their "reality cannot be glossed over with pleasantries" -- words that hit me hard.

Sure, in most of the disaster areas I've seen, there have been countless episodes characterized by warmth and tight bonds.


Without any reservations, I've reported stories of victims supporting each other through their many challenges.

At the same time, however, I witnessed bonds being broken by the triple disasters.

I heard about people who have been kicked out of relatives' homes that they'd taken refuge in, and accusations of some people taking relief supplies all to themselves.

I agonized over whether to report on the negative incidents and sentiments among the survivors I wanted so much to support, and for the most part ended up barely doing so.

The question of how, if at all, exposing the survivors' faults would help the situation, had driven me into a corner.  「被災者のあらを取材して、一体、何の役に立つのか」。

It was at such a time that I was reunited with a certain survivor, and learned the importance of facing head-on the ties that one has lost.

I met Hiroko Sugano, 69, of Rikuzentakata, Iwate Prefecture, at an evacuation center four weeks after the March 11 quake last year.

She had a friendly smile, and was busily carrying boxes of relief supplies.

In early May, however, when I again visited the same evacuation center, she was no longer there.

She had apparently returned home just a few days earlier.

When I asked another evacuee why Sugano had returned home, the only response I got was, "It's a long story."

It didn't seem like something an outsider like I should pursue any further.

Not long afterwards, Sugano appeared at the evacuation center, asking if it would be all right for her to recharge her cell phone there.

Seeing the same smile she had when I first met her, I felt relieved that she had been able to return home and that things had seemed to work out for her.

In the texts she subsequently sent me with her cell phone, she showed no indication that anything was wrong.

But I'd been naive.

When I visited her in February this year, Sugano told me, "I was literally living by the light of a lantern after I left the evacuation center."


Four years ago, Sugano reached mandatory retirement at her company job, and returned alone to her parents' home, which had been empty.

She struggled to readapt to her hometown, which she had been away from since she left for Tokyo over 40 years earlier. Her ties with relatives and acquaintances there were no longer strong.

It was under such circumstances that the massive earthquake hit.

None of the other evacuees at the evacuation center were willing to take on the task of keeping track of relief supplies and maintaining name lists of the evacuees at the center.

In her years working in the corporate world, Sugano had accumulated a wealth of experience in administrative work.

Figuring that she may be the person for the job, she took on the center's general affairs.

At first, relief supplies were barely delivered to the center.

At one point, Sugano racked her brain over what to do with the seven toothbrushes that had been delivered from the government's disaster countermeasures headquarters, when there were 130 fellow evacuees staying at the center.

Sitting until night in the entryway, where a cold draft blew through, Sugano maintained a name list to keep track of the many people coming and going. Soon, she fell sick.

Sugano returned home, she says, because some fellow evacuees had requested that people whose homes had not collapsed in the temblor or been swept away by tsunami to go home.
With the elimination and merging of evacuation centers, space was at a premium.

Sugano felt dejected, as if her ties to her fellow survivors were being severed.

Back home, with none of the basic lifelines restored, she once again lived by the light of a lantern.

She felt hopeless, and pondered the possibility of taking refuge at a relative's home in the Kanto region.

But she couldn't give up now.

Her fellow survivors, including young brothers who had lost both of their parents and a former classmate who had lost her husband remained at the evacuation center.

She had finally made emotional connections with these local residents.

Life by lantern lasted for two weeks. Until gas and water supplies were restored, Sugano lived on boxed meals from the convenience store.

She also went to visit her fellow survivors at the evacuation center.

Recharging her cell phone was just an excuse for her to go.

Today, even if it's one of the people who asked Sugano to leave the evacuation center, she stops to chat with them when she runs into them on the street.

At her home, which was spared extensive damage, Sugano puts up friends who were not as lucky, and volunteers who come to the area to help with relief efforts.

Some volunteers are arrogant.

But she still lets them stay.

"It would be embarrassing not to be able to contribute at all because I'm hung up on the little things," Sugano says. "

The volunteers are all valuable people who have come here for the sake of Rikuzentakata.

It's not a time to complain."

Sugano appears to be slowly rebuilding the bonds that were almost destroyed by the quake.

It was through the disaster, she says, that she's been able to become a true "Rikuzentakata citizen" again.


There's another story I heard, from a store owner in the Sanriku area of the devastated Tohoku region. Immediately after the quake and tsunami hit, there was one business owner who did not participate in the searches for missing bodies that the local volunteer fire company undertook, and instead focused on rebuilding their own business.

A chasm emerged between those who did and those who did not participate in the searches, with the former denouncing the latter for not wanting to "at least cover the bodies of fellow town residents with blankets."

Sometime later, the business owner began to participate in nighttime patrols, and at a one-year anniversary memorial, prayed for the souls of the dead with all the others.

"Right after the quake, different people had different priorities," says the abovementioned store owner. "Time will take care of everything in the end."

In the past year, I've taken 30 notebooks worth of notes in the disaster areas.

But I still worry whether I've been able to achieve any sort of understanding of the suffering that survivors are going through.

With the words, "reality cannot be glossed over with pleasantries," what survivors are likely asking of me is to understand what's going on in the hard-hit areas and to share what's most important with the rest of the country and the world.

The disasters' survivors are reminding me, in other words, of what it means to be a journalist.

(By Yoshikazu Takeuchi, City News Department)
毎日新聞 2012年3月21日 東京朝刊

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2012年3月21日 (水)

アフガン混迷 性急な国際部隊撤収は危険だ

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Mar. 21, 2012)
Hasty troop withdrawal from Afghanistan risky
アフガン混迷 性急な国際部隊撤収は危険だ(3月20日付・読売社説)

The relationship of trust built up steadily by the United States and Europe with Afghanistan could break down at a moment's notice through thoughtless actions or unexpected incidents.

Many lives have been lost in retaliatory actions in Afghanistan, making the country's security situation more uncertain. This is the reality of Afghanistan as a battlefield.

The Afghan situation has deteriorated since the turn of the year.

In January, a video clip of four U.S. marines urinating on the bodies of dead Taliban fighters was hosted on a website.

An angry Afghan soldier killed four French soldiers belonging to the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF). Immediately after this, French President Nicolas Sarkozy said French troops would complete their withdrawal from Afghanistan at the end of 2013, one year earlier than scheduled.

In February, it was revealed that Korans were among trash burned by ISAF members at a U.S. base. A furious Afghan killed two U.S. officers, who served as advisers to the Afghan Interior Ministry. All advisers to Afghan ministries were withdrawn from the ministries immediately.


Distrust increasing

The series of incidents has increased distrust between Afghanistan and the United States and Europe. The schism yawned even wider on March 11 when civilians were massacred in the southern province of Kandahar.

There is no excuse for a U.S. staff sergeant to indiscriminately kill 16 civilians, including nine children. The U.S. government must investigate the case thoroughly in the hope of regaining Afghanistan's trust.

Following the massacre, the Taliban called off behind-the-scenes peace talks with Washington. This development is a cause for concern.

U.S. President Barack Obama has pledged to withdraw U.S. combat forces from Afghanistan by the end of 2014.

To realize a "responsible withdrawal," the Obama administration wants to promote peace and political reconciliation talks with the Taliban, which has its roots in the south of the country, while fostering and strengthening Afghanistan's security forces so the country can deal with its own public security.


Bring Taliban back to talks

New ideas are needed to bring the Taliban back to the negotiating table.

A U.S. public opinion survey shows a majority of Americans want the troop withdrawal advanced because of the intensification of anti-U.S. sentiment and the increase in the number of U.S. soldiers killed and injured in Afghanistan.

But if the United States impulsively pulls out its troops, it only will lead to the Taliban stepping up its military offensive to regain power. The international community must unite to prevent Afghanistan from becoming a hotbed for terrorism once again.

Due to the series of incidents by U.S. troops, the Afghan situation is on the brink of a serious crisis. To stop the Afghan security situation from deteriorating, Washington must redouble its military and diplomatic efforts.

In July, Japan will host an international conference on assistance to Afghanistan, at which Afghan President Hamid Karzai will be invited to attend as a guest. Tokyo must step up its indirect and nonmilitary support to help stabilize the Afghan situation.

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, March 20, 2012)
(2012年3月20日01時25分  読売新聞)

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2012年3月20日 (火)

春闘回答 景気と賃金の悪循環を断とう

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Mar. 19, 2012)
Vicious cycle of low pay, business slump must end
春闘回答 景気と賃金の悪循環を断とう(3月18日付・読売社説)

The outcome of this year's spring labor offensive, known as "shunto," has been bleak, with major companies in such key industrial sectors as automobiles and electronics not offering any pay increases. Offers regarding biannual bonuses have also been harsh, falling below last year's levels at most companies.

Because of the historic appreciation of the yen and the deterioration of economic conditions overseas, the business performance of the nation's companies has been stagnant.

Under the circumstances, many major trade unions had to abandon the idea of demanding a uniform pay scale increase, a base pay raise referred to as "base-up" in Japanese, to prioritize job security instead.

Curbs on wage hikes meant to keep companies in business and workers employed tend to dampen domestic demand, thus further worsening the national economy. This vicious cycle must be brought to an end at all costs.

All businesses have a pile of knotty problems that have been left unresolved in this respect.


Pay cuts looming large

In this year's shunto, labor came to the negotiating table intending to achieve regular pay raises based on employees' age and length of employment, known as "teiki shokyu" or "teisho."

The Japan Business Federation (Keidanren), the country's largest employers' organization, expressed caution, saying it was no longer possible to consider implementation of teisho raises as a matter of course.
Most major companies, however, have managed to accept labor demands for the teisho portion of pay raises.

Salaried people in the prime of their lives have seen their living expenses increase year after year, especially for the rearing and education of their children. It is reasonable and proper for management to have paid due attention to such realities.

The pay hikes offered by some companies in this year's shunto likely reflect corporate managers' desire to reward, even slightly, their employees' dedicated efforts to rebuild factories struck by the Great East Japan Earthquake and their perseverance in working late at night and early in the morning to save electricity.

However, corporate managers are naturally limited in what they can do.

Electronics giant NEC Corp. presented in a meeting with its trade union on Thursday a set of proposals to cut ordinary employees' wages, including a 4 percent cut in monthly salaries for nine months.

Another major electronics firm, Sharp Corp., is also said to be considering a freeze on teisho raises for a certain period of time.

Although the uptrend in the yen's exchange rate has paused in recent days, the Japanese currency is still too high from the perspective of export industries.

The economies of Europe are expected to log negative growth this year, while the swift growth of such emerging economies as China seems to be weakening. The future of overseas demand is increasingly shrouded with uncertainty.


China, ROK formidable rivals

In addition, manufacturers in China and South Korea have become increasingly formidable rivals for their Japanese counterparts, in terms of price competitiveness and product quality. International competition is bound to keep intensifying.

However, positive signs have begun to emerge. The Nikkei Stock Average at the Tokyo Stock Exchange's First Section has climbed back above 10,000, spurred by such factors as improvement in the U.S. economy.

Major Japanese companies are recovering from the serious blow dealt by the March 11 disaster and are expected to post higher profits in fiscal 2012, compared to huge drops in revenues for this fiscal year that ends on March 31.

We strongly hope they will have the momentum for a come-from-behind surge in business activity.

It is critically important for businesses to carve out private-sector fields with high growth potential to ensure greater corporate profitability. Now is a good time to create new demand on the strength of recovery projects from the March 11 earthquake and tsunami disaster, such as new energy-saving businesses and transportation systems.

The government, for its part, must flexibly support corporate endeavors, through such means as low-interest loans as part of industrial policy and tax breaks on capital investments.

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, March 18, 2012)
(2012年3月18日01時40分  読売新聞)

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2012年3月19日 (月)




Guten Tag.


Ich bin Student.

Ich arbeite bei Radio Japan.


Hoffentlich haben Sie Erfolg.

Ich komme aus Japan.

Wir wohnen in Tokio.

Wo spricht man Deutsch?


ステップ9 <10月15日(月)>
Ich heiße Aoki Gen.

ステップ10 <10月16日(火)>
Freut mich, Sie Kennen zu lernen.

ステップ11 <10月17日(水)>
Wo ist die U-Bahn.

ステップ12 <10月18日(金)>
Ich esse gern Kuchen.


ステップ13 <10月22日(月)>
Ich suche die U-Bahn-Linie 1.

ステップ14 <10月23日(火)>
Wie geht es Ihnen?

ステップ15 <10月24日(水)>
Das ist ein Geschenk für Sie.

ステップ16 <10月25日(金)>
Ich habe eine Frage.

0510月5週(11月1週) ステップ17~20

ステップ17 <10月29日(月)>
Ihre Geige ist weg?

ステップ18 <10月30日(火)>
Das kann sein.

ステップ19 <10月31日(水)>
Fahren wir nach Frankfurt!

ステップ20 <11月1日(木)>
Leider habe ich keine Zeit.


ステップ21 <11月5日(月)>
Ich muss noch üben.

ステップ22 <11月6日(火)>
Ich möchte zwei fahrkarten nach Frankfurt.

ステップ23 <11月7日(水)>
Wollen wir etwas essen?

ステップ24 <11月8日(木)>
Ich möchte nach Wien fahren.

07ステップ25 ~28

ステップ25 <11月12日(月)>
Ich hätte gern ein Schnitzel.

ステップ26 <11月13日(火)>
Das sieht aber lecker aus!

ステップ27 <11月14日(水)>
Können wir bezahren, bitte?

ステップ28 <11月15日(木)>
Wie spät ist es jetzt?


ステップ29 <11月19日(月)>
Der Zug fährt gleich ab.

ステップ30 <11月20日(火)>
Das weisß ich nicht genau.

ステップ31 <11月21日(水)>
Wie finden Sie sie?

ステップ32 <11月22日(木)>
Ich rufe Sie heute Abend an.


ステップ33 <11月26日(月)>
Haben Sie noch ein Einzelzimmer frei?

ステップ34 <11月27日(火)>
Morgen fahren wir in die Stadt.

ステップ35 <11月28日(水)>
Können Sie den Wecker auf den Tisch stellen?

ステップ36 <11月29日(木)>
Wo steht dein Auto?


ステップ37 <12月3日(月)>
Können Sie mir hier bitte den Musikerverband zeigen?

ステップ38 <12月4日(火)>
Das ist eine gute Idee.

ステップ39 <12月5日(水)>
Wir steigen in Ostend aus.

ステップ40 <12月6日(木)>
Ich schreibe dir eine Mail.


ステップ41 <12月10日(月)>
Kann ich Ihnen helfen?

ステップ42 <12月11日(火)>
Da bin ich ganz sicher.

ステップ43 <12月12日(水)>
Kein Problem.

ステップ44 <12月13日(水)>
Ich wohne mit meinem Bruder zusammen.


ステップ45 <12月17日(月)>
Hier ist ihre Adresse.

ステップ46 <12月18日(火)>
Waren Sie schon mal in Frankfurt an der Oder?

ステップ47 <12月19日(水)>
Ich bin sehr froh, dass ich diesen Weg gewählt habe.

ステップ48 <12月20日(水)>
Was hast du am Wochenende gemacht?


ステップ49 <12月24日(月)>
Ich kenne sie nur dem Namen nach.

ステップ50 <12月25日(火)>
Das tut mir aber Leid.

ステップ51 <12月26日(水)>
Was sollen wir jetzt machen?

ステップ52 <12月27日(水)>
Du kannst mal meinen Bruder fragen.


ステップ53 <1月7日(月)>
Wir müssen unbedingt zur Polizei gehen.

ステップ54 <1月8日(火)>
Haben Sie einen Schirm dabei?

ステップ55 <1月9日(水)>
In die Brucknerstraße, bitte.

ステップ56 <1月10日(木)>
Das ist mir zu eng.


ステップ57 <1月14日(月)>
Mir ist schlecht.

ステップ58 <1月15日(火)>
Wissen Sie, ob Frau Marlene Fischer hier wohnt?

ステップ59 <1月16日(水)>
Wo haben Sie die denn her?

ステップ60 <1月17日(木)>
Ich muss langsam nach Hause.


ステップ61 <1月21日(月)>
Haben Sie mich gesucht, weil mein Name da steht?

ステップ62 <1月22日(火)>
Das ist ja witzig.

ステップ63 <1月23日(水)>
Die gestohlene Geige hat ein besonderes Merkmal.

ステップ64 <1月24日(木)>
Grüßen Sie Herrn Meyer von mir.


ステップ65 <1月28日(月)>
Es ist sicher nicht schwierig, sie zu finden.

ステップ66 <1月29日(火)>
Sie gehört nicht mir, sondern ihr.

ステップ67 <1月30日(水)>
Lassen Sie mich noch ein bisschen schlafen.

ステップ68 <1月31日(木)>
Im Juli fahre ich in die Schweiz.


ステップ69 <2月4日(月)>
Welches Datum ist heute?

ステップ70 <2月5日(火)>
Ich wollte damals unbedingt Geigenbauerin werden.

ステップ71 <2月6日(水)>
Er war viel älter als sie.

ステップ72 <2月7日(木)>
Haben Sie das auc in Grau?


ステップ73 <2月11日(月)>
Er war der beste Geigenbauer in Deutschland.

ステップ74 <2月12日(火)>
Am liebsten möchte ich die Menschen glücklich machen.

ステップ75 <2月13日(水)>
Sollen wir uns nicht duzen?

ステップ76 <2月14日(木)>
Was gibt's Neues?


ステップ77 <2月18日(月)>
Ich interessiere mich für bildende Kunst.

ステップ78 <2月19日(火)>
Mein Kopf tut weh.

ステップ79 <2月20日(水)>
Zieh dir diesen Pullover an!

ステップ80 <2月21日(木)>
Ich freue mich schon darauf.


ステップ81 <2月25日(月)>
Wann treffen wir uns?

ステップ82 <2月26日(火)>
Werde ich aufgerufen?

ステップ83 <2月27日(水)>
Darüber bin ich nicht informiert.

ステップ84 <2月28日(木)>
Ich habe noch viel zu tun.


ステップ85 <3月3日(月)>
Mir ist eine Professur angeboten worden.

ステップ86 <3月4日(火)>
Die Ergebnisse sollen morgen bekannt gegeben werden.

ステップ87 <3月5日(水)>
Herzlichen Glückwunsch!

ステップ88 <3月6日(木)>
Nächste Woche treffe ich einen Schulfreund von mir.


ステップ89 <3月10日(月)>
Das wäre doch nicht nötig gewesen.

ステップ90 <3月11日(火)>
Das ist ein Hagoita, eine Art Batomintonschläger.

ステップ91 <3月12日(水)>
Man fährt in sein Elternhaus und besucht einen Schrein.

ステップ92 <3月13日(木)>
Mit meinem Vater habe ich kaum gesprochen.


ステップ93 <3月17日(月)>
Da haben Sie Recht.

ステップ94 <3月18日(火)>
Können Sie mir mal helfen?

ステップ95 <3月19日(水)>
Kaum zu glauben!

ステップ96 <3月20日(木)>
Wie wäre es, wenn wir zusammen ins Konzert gehen?


ステップ97 <3月24日(月)>
Wenn das der Opa noch erleben könnte ...!

ステップ98 <3月25日(火)>
Das kann ich doch nicht annehmen.

ステップ99 <3月26日(水)>
Ich wünsche Ihnen viel Glück.

ステップ100 <3月27日(木)>
Kommen Sie doch mal wieder vorbei.

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皆さんは衛星サイト(サテライトサイト )ということばをサイト等で見かけたことがありませんか。私も見たことがありますが、それが何であるのか全く理解出来ませんでした。これは一体何だろうということで、ネットで衛星サイトを検索して調べてみました。中心にメインのサイトがあります。衛星サイトはメインのサイトを引き立てるべく記事を作成しますが、それぞれの衛星サイトは人間の手で書かれているのが特徴です。いわゆるライター記事ですね。衛星サイトは、キーワードを駆使してメインのサイトにリンクがつながるようにします。それでメインのサイトの閲覧者数がある日突然驚異的に増えるのです。これは、数あるSEO対策の中でも、これは、究極とも言える最新の手法ではないでしょうか。この手法を一口で表現するとサテライトサイト被リンク大作戦というところだと思います。この解釈で大筋は間違っていないと思います。


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北朝鮮発射予告 「衛星」でも看過はできない



The Yomiuri Shimbun (Mar. 18, 2012)
North Korea's 'satellite' launch a threat to Japan
北朝鮮発射予告 「衛星」でも看過はできない(3月17日付・読売社説)

North Korea has announced it will launch a rocket carrying a "Kwangmyongsong-3" earth observation satellite between April 12 and 16.

Friday's surprise announcement came only about two weeks after the United States and North Korea reached a deal under which Pyongyang agreed to a moratorium on nuclear tests and long-range missile launches as well as uranium enrichment activities in Yongbyon.

The satellite launch notice is tantamount to North Korea saying yes and no in the same breath. We think North Korea has exploited loopholes left open by the Washington-Pyongyang deal.

North Korea says it will launch a "rocket." Although Pyongyang may want to avoid saying it will launch a "missile," the technological principles underpinning both are the same. The planned liftoff is presumably aimed at enhancing the performance of North Korea's missiles.

April 15, a date that falls during the planned five-day period for the launch, marks the centenary of the birth of North Korea's founder Kim Il Sung. If North Korea successfully launches a domestically manufactured satellite before South Korea does, it would be a major achievement credited to Kim Jong Un, North Korea's young, third-generation hereditary leader. The satellite launch is unmistakably designed with this political objective in mind.


Breach of U.N. resolution

Iran, which North Korea closely worked with on missile development, has successfully launched three satellites since 2009. With technological assistance from Iran, North Korea's upcoming launch has a chance of success.

Even a satellite launch would violate the U.N. resolution banning North Korea's use of ballistic missile technology. We strongly urge North Korea to exercise self-restraint and cancel the planned launch.

Pyongyang may believe the rocket launch would not equate to reneging on the latest U.S.-North Korean deal.

It appears North Korea may have arrogantly calculated that the United States would not raise a fuss about the rocket launch and it will get the U.S. food aid as agreed, as long as Pyongyang quickly allows International Atomic Energy Agency officials to monitor the suspension of uranium enrichment activities at the Yongbyon nuclear facility.

Three years ago, after North Korea gave notice that it was preparing to launch a "satellite," it went ahead with the plan while ignoring warnings from countries including Japan, the United States and South Korea.

Pyongyang will most likely carry out the launch unless bad weather intervenes. It will be a huge step forward for North Korea's missile development program.


Accurate missiles a menace

The United States has been nervous about the risk of North Korea possessing a long-range missile capable of reaching U.S. soil and expanding the range of its arsenal. For Japan, which already falls within range of North Korea's medium-range Rodong missiles, increased precision of their weapons is a huge menace.

It is critical that Japan and the United States strongly demand North Korea put into force a moratorium on launches not only of long-range missiles but also of its medium-range ones.

Three years ago, North Korea fired a missile toward the Japanese archipelago from a missile base on the Sea of Japan coast. To deal with the situation, Japan set up a crisis management task force to prepare for a contingency in which the missile fell on Japanese territory, and went on high alert by deploying Aegis-equipped destroyers of the Maritime Self-Defense Force and SDF ground-to-air missile defense units.

North Korea has said the upcoming launch will be aimed southward from a base on the Yellow Sea. The rocket will probably not pass over the Japanese archipelago, but the government must stay alert and vigilant against North Korea's moves.

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, March 17, 2012)
(2012年3月17日01時21分  読売新聞)

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family photo album

Famiy photos taken until up to 18 March 2012 by mama's cellular phone. ママの携帯で撮影した2012年3月18日までの最新フォトアルバム

Family play at phimanshon swimming pool on 18 March 2012. 2012年3月18日、ピーマンションのプールで遊ぶ

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2012年3月18日 (日)

香山リカのココロの万華鏡:SOSの声をあげて /東京



(Mainichi Japan) March 18, 2012
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: Don't be afraid to seek help when you feel desperate
香山リカのココロの万華鏡:SOSの声をあげて /東京

The number of suicides in 2011 stood at over 30,000, according to National Police Agency statistics. Although this figure marked a slight decline on the previous year, it remains alarming. Of particular note is the increase of suicides among students.

In comparison to the preceding year, in 2011 some 101 more young people took their own lives. For the first time since authorities began keeping records in 1978, the number of suicides committed by young people surpassed 1,000.

This is extremely regrettable. I am aware that in each of these cases those young people must have had various concerns. However, I believe that regardless of the circumstances, if they had sought help from those around them and if they had spent more time on their problems, they would have been able to resolve the grave issues that had been eating them up inside.

What exactly is missing with these young people? Is it an ability to face problems? I don't think so.

I believe that all youth have the power to overcome difficulties and to somehow find their way. However, if there's no support from other people, it is somewhat difficult to access this power.

Children and young people have the general tendency to think that whenever something bad happens to them, it is mostly their fault.

For example, it is very common for small children to think something along the lines of "I haven't been a good child and that is why mom and dad decided to separate" when their parents decide on a divorce -- based on their personal issues. There are some children who go as far as to think that it is better for them to be gone, believing that it is all their fault.

In such cases, adults should continuously tell the children that it is not their fault and that they are needed.

However, recently there have been cases in which adults have failed to offer such words, based on the belief that children should not be spoiled. There are some who not only refrain from comforting children or young people, but would even try to do the opposite -- make them feel personally responsible for the problems that are happening.

Needless to say, if a child or a young person is clearly responsible for a situation, adults need to maintain a firm stance toward them. However, in other cases, telling children and youth to deal with the situation by themselves and emotionally pushing them away will do nothing but push them to the edge.

Every child and every young person is important, not only for their families but also for society as a whole. Adults should be ready to support them in a variety of ways.

When youth feel they need help, they should not be afraid to ask for help. This message, however, never reached the over 1,000 young people who took their own lives last year.

If there is a child or a young person among you who feels helpless, please do not hesitate to seek help from an adult near you.

If that person refuses to help you, don't give up and try a second and third person.

At some point, I am sure, there will be someone who will hear you and help you figure out a solution to your problems.

毎日新聞 2012年3月13日 地方版

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2012年3月17日 (土)

sound button てすと


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重慶トップ解任 次期体制作りへの権力闘争だ

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Mar. 17, 2012)
Downfall of Chongqing head a sign of China's power struggle
重慶トップ解任 次期体制作りへの権力闘争だ(3月16日付・読売社説)

On Thursday, the day after the close of the annual session of China's legislature, the National People's Congress, it was announced via the official Xinhua News Agency that Communist Party Politburo member Bo Xilai had been removed from his office as party secretary for Chongqing, the top post in the nation's most populous municipality.

Bo, whose father was formerly a vice premier, is known as an influential leader among his fellow "princelings," children of past or current high-ranking party officials.

In the past Bo had assumed such key posts as head of the northeastern province of Liaoning and commerce minister. He was therefore seen as a favorite for promotion to a seat on the Politburo's Standing Committee, China's highest decision-making body, at the National Congress of the Communist Party late this autumn.

Close attention should be paid to the impact of Bo's removal on the formulation of new leadership under Vice President Xi Jinping, another prominent princeling, who is expected to be elected to the posts of party general secretary and president.

The direct reason for Bo's axing is believed to be his supervisory responsibility for an incident in which his close associate, a former police chief of Chongqing, fled to the U.S. consulate in Chengdu, Sichuan Province, in early February and was then detained by state security officers.

Bo had used the police chief to carry out a large-scale crackdown on organized crime in Chongqing. He attracted strong attention nationwide because of his anticorruption stance, relentlessly punishing high-ranking officials of Chongqing's Public Security Bureau and others for their cozy relations with the city's gangs.


Echoes of historic conflict?

It was rumored, however, that his drives against organized crime and corruption were motivated chiefly by his desire to oust his political rivals under the guise of eradicating corruption. Bo's high-handed political style also reportedly provoked adverse reactions from within the leadership of President Hu Jintao.

Premier Wen Jiabao, in a press conference at the end of the latest National People's Congress, made reference to the Chongquing incident, noting, "Lessons must be drawn seriously," hinting that Bo would be responsible.

Wen went on to say, "Without reform of the political system, there will be no prospect for thorough reform of the economic system, possibly creating the danger of a recurrence of a historic tragedy like the Cultural Revolution."

Although what Wen meant to convey by such remarks is not yet clear, it was extraordinary for the premier to refer to the days of the Cultural Revolution.

This could indicate signs are emerging of a power struggle within the party leadership, somewhat similar to the days of the Cultural Revolution. Ahead of the transition in which the makeup of China's top leadership will be reconfigured at the coming party convention, backstage maneuvering between princelings and such factions as the Communist Youth League, led by President Hu, may be under way. There may also be a schism among the princelings themselves.


Mountain of hard tasks

At the threshold of an important generational changeover in China's leadership, the latest session of the National People's Congress approved lowering the country's growth target to 7.5 percent from a longstanding annual growth goal of 8 percent, signifying that China is now in favor of shifting its key economic policy away from continuation of high growth to balanced, sustainable growth.

From the standpoint of Japan, it is definitely desirable to see the Chinese economy maintain growth and achieve stability without losing steam.

Difficulties in China's domestic politics, however, have kept deepening, including widening disparities between rich and poor.

The Chinese administration has been narrowly managing to suppress the violent upheaval that has frequently broken out in various regions of the country.

How should Beijing build a framework conducive to pushing ahead with its political and economic reform tasks?

This is the challenge of utmost significance that must be addressed by China's new leadership to be headed by Xi.

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, March 16, 2012)
(2012年3月16日01時22分  読売新聞)

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2012年3月16日 (金)


























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Guten Tag.


Ich bin Student.

Ich arbeite bei Radio Japan.


Hoffentlich haben Sie Erfolg.

Ich komme aus Japan.

Wir wohnen in Tokio.

Wo spricht man Deutsch?


ステップ9 <10月15日(月)>
Ich heiße Aoki Gen.

ステップ10 <10月16日(火)>
Freut mich, Sie Kennen zu lernen.

ステップ11 <10月17日(水)>
Wo ist die U-Bahn.

ステップ12 <10月18日(金)>
Ich esse gern Kuchen.


ステップ13 <10月22日(月)>
Ich suche die U-Bahn-Linie 1.

ステップ14 <10月23日(火)>
Wie geht es Ihnen?

ステップ15 <10月24日(水)>
Das ist ein Geschenk für Sie.

ステップ16 <10月25日(金)>
Ich habe eine Frage.

0510月5週(11月1週) ステップ17~20

ステップ17 <10月29日(月)>
Ihre Geige ist weg?

ステップ18 <10月30日(火)>
Das kann sein.

ステップ19 <10月31日(水)>
Fahren wir nach Frankfurt!

ステップ20 <11月1日(木)>
Leider habe ich keine Zeit.


ステップ21 <11月5日(月)>
Ich muss noch üben.

ステップ22 <11月6日(火)>
Ich möchte zwei fahrkarten nach Frankfurt.

ステップ23 <11月7日(水)>
Wollen wir etwas essen?

ステップ24 <11月8日(木)>
Ich möchte nach Wien fahren.

07ステップ25 ~28

ステップ25 <11月12日(月)>
Ich hätte gern ein Schnitzel.

ステップ26 <11月13日(火)>
Das sieht aber lecker aus!

ステップ27 <11月14日(水)>
Können wir bezahren, bitte?

ステップ28 <11月15日(木)>
Wie spät ist es jetzt?


ステップ29 <11月19日(月)>
Der Zug fährt gleich ab.

ステップ30 <11月20日(火)>
Das weisß ich nicht genau.

ステップ31 <11月21日(水)>
Wie finden Sie sie?

ステップ32 <11月22日(木)>
Ich rufe Sie heute Abend an.


ステップ33 <11月26日(月)>
Haben Sie noch ein Einzelzimmer frei?

ステップ34 <11月27日(火)>
Morgen fahren wir in die Stadt.

ステップ35 <11月28日(水)>
Können Sie den Wecker auf den Tisch stellen?

ステップ36 <11月29日(木)>
Wo steht dein Auto?


ステップ37 <12月3日(月)>
Können Sie mir hier bitte den Musikerverband zeigen?

ステップ38 <12月4日(火)>
Das ist eine gute Idee.

ステップ39 <12月5日(水)>
Wir steigen in Ostend aus.

ステップ40 <12月6日(木)>
Ich schreibe dir eine Mail.


ステップ41 <12月10日(月)>
Kann ich Ihnen helfen?

ステップ42 <12月11日(火)>
Da bin ich ganz sicher.

ステップ43 <12月12日(水)>
Kein Problem.

ステップ44 <12月13日(水)>
Ich wohne mit meinem Bruder zusammen.


ステップ45 <12月17日(月)>
Hier ist ihre Adresse.

ステップ46 <12月18日(火)>
Waren Sie schon mal in Frankfurt an der Oder?

ステップ47 <12月19日(水)>
Ich bin sehr froh, dass ich diesen Weg gewählt habe.

ステップ48 <12月20日(水)>
Was hast du am Wochenende gemacht?


ステップ49 <12月24日(月)>
Ich kenne sie nur dem Namen nach.

ステップ50 <12月25日(火)>
Das tut mir aber Leid.

ステップ51 <12月26日(水)>
Was sollen wir jetzt machen?

ステップ52 <12月27日(水)>
Du kannst mal meinen Bruder fragen.


ステップ53 <1月7日(月)>
Wir müssen unbedingt zur Polizei gehen.

ステップ54 <1月8日(火)>
Haben Sie einen Schirm dabei?

ステップ55 <1月9日(水)>
In die Brucknerstraße, bitte.

ステップ56 <1月10日(木)>
Das ist mir zu eng.


ステップ57 <1月14日(月)>
Mir ist schlecht.

ステップ58 <1月15日(火)>
Wissen Sie, ob Frau Marlene Fischer hier wohnt?

ステップ59 <1月16日(水)>
Wo haben Sie die denn her?

ステップ60 <1月17日(木)>
Ich muss langsam nach Hause.


ステップ61 <1月21日(月)>
Haben Sie mich gesucht, weil mein Name da steht?

ステップ62 <1月22日(火)>
Das ist ja witzig.

ステップ63 <1月23日(水)>
Die gestohlene Geige hat ein besonderes Merkmal.

ステップ64 <1月24日(木)>
Grüßen Sie Herrn Meyer von mir.


ステップ65 <1月28日(月)>
Es ist sicher nicht schwierig, sie zu finden.

ステップ66 <1月29日(火)>
Sie gehört nicht mir, sondern ihr.

ステップ67 <1月30日(水)>
Lassen Sie mich noch ein bisschen schlafen.

ステップ68 <1月31日(木)>
Im Juli fahre ich in die Schweiz.


ステップ69 <2月4日(月)>
Welches Datum ist heute?

ステップ70 <2月5日(火)>
Ich wollte damals unbedingt Geigenbauerin werden.

ステップ71 <2月6日(水)>
Er war viel älter als sie.

ステップ72 <2月7日(木)>
Haben Sie das auc in Grau?


ステップ73 <2月11日(月)>
Er war der beste Geigenbauer in Deutschland.

ステップ74 <2月12日(火)>
Am liebsten möchte ich die Menschen glücklich machen.

ステップ75 <2月13日(水)>
Sollen wir uns nicht duzen?

ステップ76 <2月14日(木)>
Was gibt's Neues?


ステップ77 <2月18日(月)>
Ich interessiere mich für bildende Kunst.

ステップ78 <2月19日(火)>
Mein Kopf tut weh.

ステップ79 <2月20日(水)>
Zieh dir diesen Pullover an!

ステップ80 <2月21日(木)>
Ich freue mich schon darauf.


ステップ81 <2月25日(月)>
Wann treffen wir uns?

ステップ82 <2月26日(火)>
Werde ich aufgerufen?

ステップ83 <2月27日(水)>
Darüber bin ich nicht informiert.

ステップ84 <2月28日(木)>
Ich habe noch viel zu tun.


ステップ85 <3月3日(月)>
Mir ist eine Professur angeboten worden.

ステップ86 <3月4日(火)>
Die Ergebnisse sollen morgen bekannt gegeben werden.

ステップ87 <3月5日(水)>
Herzlichen Glückwunsch!

ステップ88 <3月6日(木)>
Nächste Woche treffe ich einen Schulfreund von mir.


ステップ89 <3月10日(月)>
Das wäre doch nicht nötig gewesen.

ステップ90 <3月11日(火)>
Das ist ein Hagoita, eine Art Batomintonschläger.

ステップ91 <3月12日(水)>
Man fährt in sein Elternhaus und besucht einen Schrein.

ステップ92 <3月13日(木)>
Mit meinem Vater habe ich kaum gesprochen.


ステップ93 <3月17日(月)>
Da haben Sie Recht.

ステップ94 <3月18日(火)>
Können Sie mir mal helfen?

ステップ95 <3月19日(水)>
Kaum zu glauben!

ステップ96 <3月20日(木)>
Wie wäre es, wenn wir zusammen ins Konzert gehen?


ステップ97 <3月24日(月)>
Wenn das der Opa noch erleben könnte ...!

ステップ98 <3月25日(火)>
Das kann ich doch nicht annehmen.

ステップ99 <3月26日(水)>
Ich wünsche Ihnen viel Glück.

ステップ100 <3月27日(木)>
Kommen Sie doch mal wieder vorbei.

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記者の目:震災1年 脱原発後の地域の具体像を=柳楽未来

raison d'etre レイゾンデトラ 存在意義、理由



(Mainichi Japan) March 15, 2012
The future of nuclear industry-dependent towns is now
記者の目:震災1年 脱原発後の地域の具体像を=柳楽未来


There are 14 nuclear reactors on the shores of Wakasa Bay in Fukui Prefecture, the largest concentration in the country. Until Feb. 21, when the last of the 14 reactors still running was shut down for regular maintenance, this clutch of reactors supplied half the electricity used by the entire Kansai region.

Across Japan, the anti-nuclear winds are blowing strong. In the areas around the plants themselves, however, there are equally vehement voices calling for the continuation of nuclear power. Meanwhile, anti-nuclear citizens' groups near the power stations have begun to hunt for a "realistic route" to a post-nuclear power economy in their communities.

However, if we see the pro-nuclear faction as simple "nuclear money" addicts, hungry for the jobs and subsidies that come with hosting a plant, then all useful discussion on the issue comes to a grinding halt.

I was dispatched to the Wakasa Bay area in late March 2011, soon after the Great East Japan Earthquake and tsunami and the ensuing meltdowns at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear plant. What I want people to understand about this debate is that, behind local calls for nuclear power's continuation are deep misgivings over the future of the community. In fact, it is hard for many of these people to see any future at all.


Some 10 kilometers from the center of Mihama, Fukui Prefecture, and 1 kilometer from Kansai Electric Power Co.'s Mihama nuclear plant, is the district of Takenami, home to a cluster of guest houses frequented mostly by plant workers. When I first visited the area, I was taken aback by how close the Miyama plant's three reactors were, their looming bulk weighing down the landscape between the homes and the sea.

"Nuclear workers come and stay at the guest houses, and young people were employed by the power company," says one 75-year-old local farmer. "This place used to be a backwater, but thanks to the nuclear plant it really developed."

Until I took up my position in Fukui Prefecture, I had always seen communities around power stations as just getting fat off nuclear money. Certainly, the nuclear subsidies for Mihama have made an enormous difference to the town's finances, perhaps best represented by its new, 2.7 billion yen town hall.

Mihama's Takenami district, however, does not look like it has seen much of that supposed river of nuclear cash. The two-lane prefectural road linking the district to the center of town is often cut by landslides. The community center designated a temporary shelter in case of a nuclear accident is the district's only reinforced concrete building, but it is beginning to show its age, and has also never been earthquake-proofed. Many of the locals are elderly, and the district looks no different than any other sparsely populated rural area. The population of Mihama as a whole has dropped by about 20 percent over the last 40 years.

So, has the nuclear plant actually helped Mihama develop?

"It's true the population has fallen," says the 75-year-old farmer. "So I have to admit I've wondered whether the plant really gave us explosive advantages."

In January this year, the central government laid down a 40-year maximum service life for nuclear reactors. If this limit is strictly applied, the Mihama plant's three reactors will all be shuttered within five years. For a town benefiting so much from nuclear industry-related subsidies and employment, this would mean a complete shift in the very nature of Mihama's existence. However, the town has yet to stir itself in search of an alternative future, and local calls for the continuation of nuclear power roll on unchanged.

At a January meeting between local residents and Kansai Electric representatives, Mihama residents expressed mixed feelings about nuclear power in the wake of the Fukushima meltdowns.

"We're worried about nuclear energy, but at the same time we're worried about losing it," some said. The Fukushima nuclear disaster spread radioactive materials far and wide, contaminating fields and doing severe damage to the agricultural sector. The farming representative in the local delegation expressed deep misgivings over the dangers of nuclear power, but at the same time, "Mihama's farms earn very little income, and about 30 percent of farming family members work at the plants. So we hope very much that the reactors will go back on-line," he said.


Currently, petitions against nuclear energy are proliferating across Japan's urban centers, and millions of signatures have been collected so far. Anti-nuclear activism in local areas, however, has been much weaker. When I asked people in around Mihama about the issue, many told me that "nuclear power is scary, but I have family and neighbors working in nuclear-related jobs, so it's difficult for me to say I'm for abandoning nuclear energy."

The No. 1 reactor at the Mihama plant is just over 40 years old, and in that time nuclear power has become deeply entwined with the lives and livelihoods of the townspeople. Even if Japan gives up on nuclear power generation, neither the plant buildings themselves nor the locals' connections to the industry will disappear overnight. Then there is all that spent nuclear fuel still stored at the facilities. The gap in sentiment about nuclear power between cities and the countryside is growing ever wider.

Teruyuki Matsushita, 63, head of the local anti-nuclear group "Mori to kurasu donguri club," has begun a serious look at what route the town might take if nuclear power came to an end. He is in consultation with experts on initiatives to connect local employment with keeping spent nuclear fuel in the town for the next 20 to 30 years, without expanding nuclear facilities. He plans to have proposals ready for submission to the mayor by May this year.

For Matsushita, who has been pointing out the dangers of nuclear power for many years, this was a bitter choice to make, and he has taken plenty of flak from other anti-nuclear activists for moving in this direction. However, "what will happen to the town if nuclear power just disappears," he says. "If we propose a concrete and realistic policy for alternatives to the nuclear industry, we should be able to ease the region into something different."

We can all see the dangers of nuclear power clearly now, after the Fukushima meltdowns. This year, Japan will engage in a national debate over the next step to be taken in the country's decades-long dance with nuclear energy. A concrete vision of the future of local areas now dependent on nuclear power must be a part of that debate. If we can hammer out that vision, then we can deal with the needs of both sides of the issue -- the local areas hosting nuclear plants and the electricity-consuming urban areas that were the raison d'etre for the plants themselves -- in the same arena. If we can do that, then surely the debate on Japan's energy future will get that much easier.

(By Mirai Nagira, Tsuruga correspondent)
毎日新聞 2012年3月15日 0時28分

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2012年3月15日 (木)

amnesty international


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社説:原子力規制庁 実質的な議論を早く

NSC=Nuclear security agency 原子力安全委員会
NISA=Nuclear and Industrial Safety Agency 原子力保安院



(Mainichi Japan) March 14, 2012
Editorial: Creation of new nuclear regulatory agency no stage for political grandstanding
社説:原子力規制庁 実質的な議論を早く

It is now looking much more likely that the establishment of a new nuclear regulatory agency will be delayed. The Democratic Party of Japan-led administration had planned to get the new body off the ground on April 1, but opposition parties have indicated they will fight the passage of bills underpinning the agency when they come up for debate in the Diet.

The new agency's predecessor is the Nuclear and Industrial Safety Agency (NISA), a part of the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry -- a ministry directly involved in the promotion of nuclear power. After the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear plant meltdowns in March last year, the government decided that NISA's position under the industry ministry was a serious flaw in Japan's nuclear safety regime and moved to abolish it in favor of the new regulatory agency.

Surely anyone would admit that splitting NISA from the industry ministry and combining its brief with other regulatory duties is an important step. Not only is the conflict of interest inherent in the current state of affairs obvious, it also goes without saying that a new regulatory body must be put in place as soon as possible.

The real issue is how that body will be set up. The Cabinet has decided on a bill to establish it as an external bureau of the Ministry of the Environment. Some members of the opposition, however, have argued strongly for the agency to be a separate committee, which would have a great deal of independence under Article 3 of the National Government Organization Law.

The government has made much of the merits of putting the new agency under the environment ministry, saying that crisis management would be much easier than if the body was set up as an independent committee. On the other hand, there are valid worries over whether an agency under the ministry could, when needed, make truly independent, objective judgments contrary to government expectations. The government needs to address this concern in a concrete manner.

There is also a pressing need to focus on how a revamped Nuclear Safety Commission of Japan (NSC) will help guarantee the incipient regulatory agency's independence. It must furthermore be noted that the environment ministry has no crisis management experience, which is a source of some worry.

On the other hand, we must not jump to the conclusion that setting up the new agency, as the opposition suggests, as an Article 3 committee like the Fair Trade Commission would necessarily guarantee absolute independence. Whether an external bureau of the environment ministry or a separate commission, the points truly at issue are how it is built, how it is managed, and how it will retain important staff.

We also call on the opposition not just to try and slow debate on the bills underpinning the new agency, but to initiate substantive discussion on this important issue. Opposition parties must explain how the Article 3 committee they favor would be put together, and how that would safeguard the new body's independence of action. They must also tell us in definite terms what structure they see for the committee that would allow it to overrule government policy in a crisis.

It is also possible that the delay in creating the new regulatory agency will also affect decisions on restarting nuclear reactors idled for regular maintenance. On March 13, the NSC completed approval of the results of stress tests on the No. 3 and 4 reactors at the Oi nuclear plant -- conducted by NISA, which we have already seen has a direct conflict of interest.

Of course, under the stress test process, the decision on restarting reactors can be made at the political level. However, it's just impossible at this point to ask us to trust NISA and the incumbent version of the NSC.

At this moment, faced with the frankly nerve-wracking technology of nuclear power, deliberations and decisions on its future must not be delayed by political gamesmanship. We call on the governing and opposition parties together to move deliberations on this issue forward.

毎日新聞 2012年3月14日 2時30分

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2012年3月14日 (水)

my latest home video on youtube

Amazing photo shot created by my daughters, kai chan and seefaa chan.

Before taking dinner at the restaurant of Khonkaen Hotel, family plays at rachawadee resort on 13 March, 2012.

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Mainichi scoop on Mongolia's nuclear plans highlights problems in dealing with waste
特集:ボーン・上田記念国際記者賞、毎日新聞・会川晴之記者に 盲点「核のゴミ」問う

Coverage on a secret document detailing an international nuclear waste disposal site that Japan and the United States had planned to build in Mongolia, for which I won the Vaughan-Ueda Memorial Prize for 2011, has highlighted the difficulties in dealing with radioactive waste.

The secret plan surfaced as the crisis at the tsunami-hit Fukushima No. 1 Nuclear Power Plant has stirred controversy over the pros and cons of nuclear power.

I learned that the Japanese Economy, Trade and Industry Ministry and the U.S. Department of Energy had been secretly negotiating the plan with Mongolia since the autumn of 2010 when I interviewed a U.S. nuclear expert on the phone on April 9, 2011.

"Would you please help the Mongolian people who know nothing about the plan. Mongolia is friendly to Japan, Japanese media certainly has influence on the country," the expert said.

I flew to Ulan Bator, the capital of Mongolia, on April 22, and met with then Ambassador Undraa Agvaanluvsan with the Mongolian Foreign Ministry in charge of negotiations on the plan, at the VIP room of a cafe.

Before I asked the ambassador some questions getting to the heart of the plan, we asked my interpreter to leave the room just as we had agreed in advance. The way the ambassador talked suddenly became more flexible after I stopped the recorder and began asking her questions in English. She explained the process and the aim of the negotiations and even mentioned candidate sites for the disposal facility.

After the interview that lasted for more than two hours, the ambassador said she heard of a similar plan in Australia and asked me to provide Mongolia with any information on it, highlighting the Mongolian government's enthusiasm about overcoming competition with Australia in hosting the disposal facility.

I subsequently visited three areas where the Mongolian government was planning to build nuclear power stations. Japan and the United States were to provide nuclear power technology to Mongolia in return for hosting the disposal facility. I relied on a global positioning system for driving in the vast, grassy land to head to the sites. All the three candidate sites, including a former air force base about 200 kilometers southeast of Ulan Bator, are all dry land. No source of water indispensable for cooling down nuclear reactors, was found at any of these sites and a lake at one of the sites had dried up.

Experts share the view that nuclear plants cannot be built in areas without water. I repeatedly asked Mongolian officials responsible for nuclear power policy how they can build nuclear plants at the sites without water. However, they only emphasized that all the three sites meet the safety standards for nuclear plants set by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).

An Economy, Trade and Industry Ministry official, who is familiar with Mongolian affairs, said, "Mongolians are smart but their knowledge of atomic energy isn't that good ..."

In other words, Japan and the United States proposed to build a spent nuclear waste disposal facility in Mongolia, a country that has little knowledge of nuclear energy.

In 2010, the administration of then Prime Minister Naoto Kan released a new growth strategy with special emphasis on exports of nuclear power plants. However, there is no facility in Japan that can accept spent nuclear fuel, putting itself at a disadvantage in its competition with Russia, France and other countries that have offered to sell nuclear plants and accept radioactive waste as a package.

A Japanese negotiator said, "The plan to build a disposal facility in Mongolia was aimed at making up for our disadvantage in selling nuclear power stations."

The United States wanted to find another country that will accept spent nuclear fuel that can be converted to materials to develop nuclear weapons in a bid to promote its nuclear non-proliferation policy.

Both the Japanese and U.S. ideas are understandable. However, as Mongolia has just begun developing uranium mines and has not benefited from atomic energy, I felt that it would be unreasonable to shift radioactive waste to Mongolia without explaining the plan to the Mongolian people.

During my stay in Mongolia, I learned that many people there donated money equal to their daily wages to victims of the March 11, 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake. I was also present when the Mongolian people invited disaster evacuees from Miyagi Prefecture to their country. I could not help but shed tears when seeing the Mongolian people's goodwill. My interpreter even joked, "You cry too much."

I did not feel a sense of exaltation from learning the details of the secret negotiations on the disposal site. I rather felt ashamed of being a citizen of Japan, which was promoting the plan.

The Fukushima nuclear crisis that broke out following the March 11, 2011 quake and tsunami has sparked debate on overall energy policy. Some call for an immediate halt to nuclear plants while others insist that such power stations are indispensable for Japan's overall energy, industrial and security policies.

"The matter isn't limited to nuclear energy. Our generations have consumed massive amounts of oil and coal," a Finish government official said.

The Mainichi scoop on the secret plan sparked campaigns in Mongolia to demand that the plan on a spent nuclear fuel disposal facility be scrapped and that relevant information be fully disclosed.

Bowing to the opposition, Mongolian President Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj declared in the U.N. General Assembly session in September last year that the country can never host a radioactive waste disposal facility.

Yukiya Amano, director general of the IAEA, which is dubbed a "nuclear watchdog," says, "Those who generate radioactive waste must take responsibility for disposing of it. It's unfair to expect someone else to take care of it."

However, human beings have yet to find a solution to problems involving nuclear waste.

(By Haruyuki Aikawa, Europe General Bureau)
(Mainichi Japan) March 13, 2012

特集:ボーン・上田記念国際記者賞、毎日新聞・会川晴之記者に 盲点「核のゴミ」問う








































2010 毎日・大治朋子


  09 受賞者なし

  08 毎日・高尾具成


  07 NHK・別府正一郎

  06 朝日・坂尻信義


  05 毎日・國枝すみれ


  04 東京放送・金平茂紀

  03 受賞者なし。特別賞=アジアプレス・インターナショナル・綿井健陽、ジャパンプレス・佐藤和孝、山本美香

  02 朝日・川上泰徳



  01 朝日・宇佐波雄策








 米国     61000

 カナダ    38400

★日本     19000

★フランス   13500

★ロシア    13000

 韓国     10900

 ドイツ     5850

★英国      5850

 スウェーデン  5400

 フィンランド  1600


毎日新聞 2012年3月13日 東京朝刊

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2012年3月13日 (火)

3・11の誓い 日本人の国民性が試される

>>The government received donations totaling 17.5 billion yen from 126 countries, territories and organizations. Relief money sent to the Japanese Red Cross Society totaled a massive 57.5 billion yen.
>> 政府には126の国・地域・機関から175億円の寄付金が寄せられた。日本赤十字社への海外救援金も575億円にのぼる。



The Yomiuri Shimbun (Mar. 13, 2012)
Debris disposal tests national character
3・11の誓い 日本人の国民性が試される(3月12日付・読売社説)

On Sunday, the nation mourned the victims of the Great East Japan Earthquake and huge tsunami a year ago.

A government-sponsored memorial service held in Tokyo was attended by the Emperor, even though he is recuperating from last month's heart surgery.

At the ceremony, the Emperor expressed deep appreciation for the relief efforts in disaster-stricken areas and to those dealing with the crisis caused by the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant. He also expressed profound gratitude to other countries that dispatched rescue teams and engaged in other activities following the disaster.

"It is important for us to never forget this disaster and hand down the lessons we learned to future generations, and foster the proper attitude towards disaster prevention, with the aim of making our country a safer place," the Emperor said. We probably all share his thoughts.

In his speech, Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda made "three promises," including reconstructing the affected areas as soon as possible. Referring to assistance from other countries, he said, "Japan must return the favor by contributing actively to the international community."

Foreign rescue and relief teams arrived in Japan immediately after the March 11 disaster to work in the affected areas. Operation Tomodachi, conducted jointly by U.S. troops and the Self-Defense Forces, was immensely helpful in searching for missing people and removing debris.


Historic mission

The government received donations totaling 17.5 billion yen from 126 countries, territories and organizations. Relief money sent to the Japanese Red Cross Society totaled a massive 57.5 billion yen.

Japan has the historic mission of disseminating the lessons and knowledge learned from the disaster around the world, so they can be used in working out measures to deal with large-scale disasters and prevent crises at nuclear power plants.

The government plans to hold a high-level international conference on large-scale natural disasters in a city in the Tohoku region in summer.

While sharing their experiences of the Great East Japan Earthquake and other natural disasters, the participants will discuss how to prevent or reduce disaster damage, respond in times of emergency, and recover and reconstruct after a disaster.

The government hopes to reflect the results of the Tohoku conference in the 2015 U.N. World Conference on Disaster Reduction that Japan has expressed its intention of hosting. As these conferences would be significant in strengthening Japan's ties with other countries, they must be held without fail.


Obstacle to rebuilding

As the disposal of debris in disaster-hit areas hampers full-scale rebuilding efforts, Noda said at a news conference "the government must move one or two steps forward" to deal with this problem. His desire to take a more active stance on the disposal of the debris is natural.

Noda then unveiled a plan to seek the cooperation of local governments and private corporations to dispose of the debris, saying, "The character of Japan as a nation is being put to the test again."

It is extremely disappointing that only Tokyo and some municipalities in two prefectures have accepted debris for disposal.

The coolheaded actions and patience of people in the affected areas has impressed people the world over. We suggest the Japanese people join together to address the issue of debris removal.

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, March 12, 2012)
(2012年3月12日01時20分  読売新聞)

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2012年3月12日 (月)

鎮魂の日 重い教訓を明日への備えに

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Mar. 12, 2012)
Utilize lessons of March 11 to better prepare for disasters
鎮魂の日 重い教訓を明日への備えに(3月11日付・読売社説)

We have reached a day of remembrance, one year after the major disaster on March 11. A memorial service is to be held by the central government in Tokyo, and similar ceremonies are scheduled to take place in the affected regions as well.

To pray for the repose of victims' souls, we will offer at 2:46 p.m. a silent prayer from the bottom of our hearts for those who died in the disaster.

The death toll is now 15,854, while more than 3,100 people are listed as missing. The people who are still looking for their beloved relatives must be filled with sorrow. Our hearts ache for them.



Gaps in degree of recovery

In a coastal district of Ishinomaki, Miyagi Prefecture, a seawall destroyed by the tsunami stands in horrible condition. Huge piles of debris and a vast number of abandoned automobiles can be seen.

A factory area facing the sea and residential areas that stretched inland were almost completely washed away by tsunami. Only a fraction of these areas have finally managed to start post-disaster reconstruction.

Part of the quay at a nearby fishing port sank into the sea. Local fishermen have resumed fishing but say pieces of debris occasionally get caught in their nets.

"If processors resumed their business operations at our port, it would regain its vitality," the skipper of a fishing boat said hopefully.

A senior official of a local economic organization said: "There are large gaps in the degree of recovery among industries, business firms and families. It's a far cry from post-disaster recovery for the whole region.

"But everyone strongly wants to keep hanging in there."

We support such feelings. Local governments must respond more carefully than ever.

Offering mental care to people affected by the disaster is also an important task. Many people have complained about sleeplessness, anxiety and frustration since immediately after the disaster.

Even after they moved into makeshift houses or housing units leased by local governments, the number of people suffering emotionally has shown no sign of declining. Rather, there has reportedly been a sharp increase in the number of people who have become addicted to heavy drinking or gambling, or quit their jobs for emotional reasons.

A local psychiatrist believes many are suffering because their unemployment benefits will end soon, they cannot find jobs despite their growing concern, or they have no prospect of ever returning home.

The psychiatrist said many people's mental anguish could likely be eased if authorities provided a clear picture of the future.

It is important for both the central and local governments to present and implement visibly a post-disaster reconstruction plan through which affected people can find hope for their future lives. We hope the Reconstruction Agency helps them with all its power.


The lessons learned from the catastrophe must be utilized to enhance the nation's readiness for a future major disaster.

The March 11 tsunami, which was said to be on a scale "beyond expectation," triggered the crisis at Tokyo Electric Power Co.'s Fukushima No.1 nuclear power station.

The spread of large amounts of radioactive substances wreaked havoc on agricultural, fisheries and other industries in the disaster-struck areas. Along with the resulting public anxiety over food safety and human health, harmful rumors about the threat of radiation have lingered, casting a shadow all over the country.

More than 62,000 people from Fukushima Prefecture are still living outside the prefecture.


Review standard assumptions

An expert panel of the government's Central Disaster Prevention Council chaired by Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda came out with a set of proposals in autumn. The panel called for a thorough review of the conventional assumptions about earthquakes and tsunami as well as antidisaster countermeasures "on the premise of the maximum possible earthquake and tsunami and taking each and every conceivable possibility into account."

Regarding major earthquakes anticipated in the Tokai, Tonankai and Nankai regions on the Pacific coast, a study team of the Cabinet Office is scheduled to soon make public its estimations about the maximum intensities of temblors and largest possible heights of tsunami.

A study group of the Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology Ministry recently announced research findings regarding a Tokyo metropolitan epicentral earthquake, in which the focus would be just beneath the metropolitan area.
The findings showed that extensive areas of the metropolitan area could be subject to an earthquake more powerful than previously forecast, a quake with the strongest intensity of 7 on the Japanese seismic scale.

The 11,000 fatalities and economic damage of 112 trillion yen previously forecast for a metropolitan epicentral earthquake must be reviewed, the study group has said.

The central government and local governments must study and implement specific measures on the basis of these disaster risk evaluations by public bodies.

Plans for enhancing earthquake resistance should be promoted further for such public facilities as schools and hospitals, as well as buildings on arterial roads.

In coastal regions, it is vitally important to work out tsunami countermeasures combining such "hardware" efforts as strengthening seawalls with "software" aspects centering on effective evacuation, such as the improvement of hazard maps.

Also of utmost significance is that residents of every community be more prepared for disasters. At the very least, residents must confirm hazard maps and participate in antidisaster drills.

Residents should draw up evacuation plans for their communities on their own initiative. They should consult expert opinion to secure evacuation routes and evacuation sites such as earthquake-resistant buildings of about five stories, and higher ground.

Recently, large-scale exercises have been conducted in such big cities as Tokyo and Osaka for commuters who will have difficulty returning home in the event of a major disaster. It is important to scrutinize what is effective in such drills and also consider what should be improved to make subsequent drills more effective.


'Disaster reduction' a key goal

The government--in light of the terrible experience of dealing with the earthquake and tsunami calamities while simultaneously coping with the nuclear crisis and radiation problems--is studying how to prepare for and address a "complex of disasters."

The government will have to make special responses, for example, when a major earthquake in a large city results in such multiple problems as fires over an extensive area, leakage of toxic gases from factories and serious accidents involving means of transportation.

The order of priorities in government responses to a complex of disasters and clarification of the chain of command must be thoroughly studied without delay.

The concept of "disaster mitigation" or "disaster reduction" to minimize damage in the aftermath of a calamity--however catastrophic--is of pivotal significance in this regard, as we must be "prepared even for the unforeseeable."

We must pledge anew on this occasion that the precious lives lost in the Great East Japan Earthquake will not have been lost in vain.

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, March 11, 2012)
(2012年3月11日01時12分  読売新聞)

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2012年3月11日 (日)

社説:震災1年・未来のために 「NPO革命」を進めよう

(Mainichi Japan) March 11, 2012
Editorial: Japan must lead in NPO revolution
社説:震災1年・未来のために 「NPO革命」を進めよう

We have reached the one-year anniversary of the Great East Japan Earthquake and tsunami -- let us pray once again for the souls of those who lost their lives to the disaster, and for the recovery of the devastated Tohoku region and Japan as a nation.

The fact that victims deeply affected by the disasters and the ensuing nuclear crisis have made it this far despite the sluggish response of the central government is a testament to their perseverance and the backbreaking efforts of local governments. There is, in addition, another contributing factor: an unprecedented influx of donations from across the country, and continued assistance provided by various organizations. Of that, we should be proud.

Seventeen years have passed since the Great Hanshin Earthquake struck Kobe and Japan witnessed a full-scale emergence of volunteerism. The range of activities that are now being undertaken by volunteers and organizations -- not limited only to the removal of debris or distribution of food and clothing -- is striking.


A major pillar of continued support to disaster-struck northeastern Japan has been nonprofit organizations (NPOs).

Fukushima Kids, for example, offers sleepaway camps for children from Fukushima Prefecture, where the nuclear crisis has yet to be brought under control. The children are invited to stay in Hokkaido and other areas of Japan -- where they are free to play outside without fear of radiation exposure -- during their school holidays. Last summer and this past winter, 518 and 190 children, respectively, participated in the program, away from home and their parents. Preparations are underway for another round during the upcoming spring break. Various NPOs, private companies and local governments have cooperated to make this program possible, and the amount of donations has reached approximately 80 million yen.

In the program, volunteer college students look after the children on a day-to-day basis. As soon as organizers started seeking volunteers in the spring, some 200 students applied. In addition to college students, some high school students also offer their services, coming in to help when they don't have classes at school.

One of the program's founders and its director, Hirohiko Yoshida, 59, recalls the painful memories of trying to set up a similar program when Mount Oyama on Miyakejima Island erupted in 2000, leading to the evacuation of the island's residents. The program did not last long then, and because of this, Yoshida is even more determined to make the current program a success.

"We're going to keep this going for at least five years. We can't just complain (and hope that someone else will do something)," Yoshida says. "We want to nurture children who become the future of Fukushima."

Last summer, Katariba, a nonprofit organization run by people in their 20s and 30s, set up a free "collaborative school" in the Miyagi Prefecture town of Onagawa, which suffered catastrophic damage from the March 2011 tsunami. It hires cram-school teachers who lost their jobs due to the disasters, and is also supported by volunteer college students and former Onagawa residents living in the Tokyo metropolitan area who have taken a leave of absence from their jobs to offer their support. The instructors use empty rooms in an elementary school to teach about 200, or roughly one-third, of the town's elementary and junior high school students.

The key to this set-up is full-on collaboration between the NPO and the Onagawa Municipal Government, as well as the local board of education and schools -- which have traditionally been in competition with so-called cram schools. Parents have also been approaching the group recently to ask how they can help.

"When the children who have experienced the disasters overcome their hardships, they're going to be stronger and more compassionate than most people," says Katariba director and Tokyo resident Kumi Imamura, 32, who has been spending most of each month in the disaster areas. "Our job is to provide them with learning opportunities that will help them become those people."

Last December, Katariba opened their second "collaborative school" in the Iwate Prefecture town of Otsuchi. The organization promotes learning without depending entirely on local governments or schools -- a set-up that is slowly beginning to take root.

Upon learning that autistic children affected by the disasters were having difficulties at evacuation centers, Hiromoto Toeda, 43, director of Musou, a social welfare corporation based in Aichi Prefecture, and Yusuke Ohara, 32, director of nonprofit organization Yuyu based in Hokkaido, moved into action. With volunteer students in tow, they descended upon Tanohata village in Iwate Prefecture, and tried to launch a daycare service for children with disabilities. Iwate prefectural officials, however, were unenthusiastic about the endeavor, saying that there were only five children requesting such care in the entire prefecture.

However, when Toeda and Ohara began daycare services anyway without the support of local government bodies, over 20 children in a village of around 4,000 people began using them. Users were happy with the program for closely catering to the needs of individual children, leading to the launch of a similar program in the Iwate Prefecture city of Miyako, which also has over 20 participants. Many local residents have said that they were not aware of such programs, and now the local government has changed its position and is set to officially place the programs under its jurisdiction.


Local governments had heretofore viewed NPOs as contractors, but the growing trend of the private sector taking action ahead of public bodies is hard to ignore.

Due to a law revision last year, taxpayers can get back up to 50 percent of a donation to an NPO from the national or municipal governments. This, too, is a huge step forward.

Collecting taxes and making decisions on how they are used was originally the job of the national and local governments. However, public bodies are not the only ones responsible for the public sector. The involvement of nonprofit organizations into education and social welfare is gradually becoming the norm. Members of the public are increasingly donating money to NPOs that they would prefer to support over public bodies, receiving tax deductions in return. Though still in the beginning stages, this signals an era in which we get to choose how our tax money is spent.

The Japanese government's general account budget is approximately 90 trillion yen. Suppose 10 trillion yen in donations are made in a year, with NPOs taking charge of increasingly more in the public sector without being bogged down by the sectionalism of the bureaucracy, while overcoming community and generational boundaries. Imagine that. The government will slim down considerably, inevitably bringing changes to the Diet.

Let us call this the "NPO revolution." Of course, continued recovery from the triple disasters requires further support from the public. With politics at a standstill, each and every one of us must take action and do what we can. Over the past few years, the idea that others' happiness leads to one's own happiness has been gathering momentum among our youth. This is certainly a foundation on which a revolution can be built.

We will never forget the day that filled the entire country with untold sadness and shattered our values -- including our belief in the "safety" of nuclear power. From here on out, let us imagine a future in which Japan leads the world in realizing a new "public" society.

毎日新聞 2012年3月11日 2時30分

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2012年3月10日 (土)


(Mainichi Japan) March 9, 2012
Japan should decrease dependence on nuclear power instead of trying to reactivate reactors

The government's pledge to decrease Japan's reliance on nuclear power plants following the outbreak of the disaster at the tsunami-hit Fukushima No. 1 Nuclear Power Plant is hardly mentioned in today's political world.

In his policy speech at the outset of the ongoing Diet session, Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda, who appears to be preoccupied with raising the 5 percent consumption tax, did not show strong enthusiasm for decreasing Japan's dependence on nuclear plants.
This is despite the fact that following the outbreak of the nuclear disaster, then Prime Minister Naoto Kan declared that he would seek to decrease Japan's reliance on nuclear power and Noda has promised to take over that policy.

An opinion poll that the Mainichi Shimbun has conducted shows that over 70 percent of the public are in favor of relying less on nuclear power. Therefore, the government has a responsibility to show specific ways to achieve this goal, such as the development of alternative energy sources.


Another survey that the Mainichi conducted on the mayors of municipalities situated within 30 kilometers from the crippled nuclear plant in February has produced interesting results. Over half -- or 57 percent -- of the mayors surveyed support the resumption of operations at nuclear power stations stopped for regular inspections with some conditions attached.

Still, 76 percent of them said they are in favor of less reliance on nuclear energy. Even the mayors of some municipalities that host nuclear plants and have received subsidies from the national government in return called for a decrease in the country's dependence on nuclear plants.
One of them, Hideo Kishimoto, mayor of the Saga Prefecture town of Genkai, which hosts Kyushu Electric Power Co.'s Genkai Nuclear Power Plant, said in the survey, "Japan should decrease its reliance on nuclear power while going ahead with the technological development of renewable energy."

A total of 60 percent of the people surveyed by the Mainichi in September 2011 said that the number of nuclear power stations should be decreased on a step-by-step basis over a long period of time. The figure rises to 72 percent if those who call for an early suspension of operations at nuclear plants are included. A majority of the Japanese public share the hope that nuclear plants should be decreased in the long run.

Until the outbreak of the Fukushima nuclear crisis in March last year, I had believed, as a journalist who had covered issues relating to nuclear energy for many years, that nuclear power stations were indispensable for Japan, which is poor in natural resources.

I coolly responded when Germany shifted its policy toward getting rid of nuclear power plants in the late 1990s, believing that "it is possible because European countries can buy power from neighboring countries when they are short of power." Above all, I did not think that a catastrophic accident would ever happen at any nuclear power station in Japan.

However, my thoughts changed drastically as I observed irreparable damage to the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear plant and local communities through my coverage of the ongoing crisis.

Nuclear power should be deemed as faulty technology as two extremely serious accidents occurred -- one at Chernobyl in 1986 and the other at Fukushima in 2011 -- and devastated local communities less than about a half century since nuclear plants were first put into commercial use.

Aging and dangerous reactors should be shut down first, and then all Japan's nuclear plants should be abolished in the long run.

However, as many mayors pointed out in the Mainichi survey last month, it is indispensable to secure substitute energy sources to make up for a decrease in Japan's reliance on nuclear power. A shortage of electric power is a serious blow particularly to the socially vulnerable.

Following the outbreak of the crisis, escalators at railway stations and traffic lights stopped in the Tokyo metropolitan area because of efforts to save electric power consumption and rolling power blackouts occurred, causing trouble to the elderly and physically handicapped. If companies are forced to downsize their operations due to power shortages, non-regular workers will be the first to lose their jobs.

The government, which has pledged to reduce Japan's reliance on nuclear power, should shift its energy policy toward developing renewable energy and energy-saving technologies. Moreover, it should clearly show how many years it will take before all nuclear plants are decommissioned as well as how electric power can be secured and what kind of lifestyles members of the public should adopt until that goal is achieved.


However, the government appears to be hastily trying to reactivate nuclear reactors that have been suspended for regular inspections.

Currently, only two nuclear reactors are in operation in Japan, and all the nation's 54 reactors will have been stopped by as early as mid-May if none of those suspended for regular inspections are reactivated. As a precondition for resuming operations at nuclear reactors, the government demands that safety evaluations clearly show how far they can withstand larger than anticipated earthquakes and tsunami.

The government appears desperate. "Unless nuclear reactors are reactivated, it'll be inevitable that electric power charges will rise drastically," warns Economy, Trade and Industry Minister Yukio Edano.

Professor Hitoshi Yoshioka, vice president of Kyushu University who is an expert in nuclear power policy, says, "It's only natural that a majority of the members of the public are in favor of decreasing the country's reliance on nuclear energy for electricity supply, considering the massive damage caused by the nuclear crisis to Fukushima. Regardless of what kind of policy the government adopts, no progress can be made on any policy based on the promotion of nuclear power."

Tatsuya Murakami, mayor of the Ibaraki Prefecture village of Tokai that hosts many nuclear facilities including a nuclear power plant, criticized the government and the power industry for lacking a sense of responsibility for the nuclear disaster.
"The Fukushima nuclear crisis is deep-rooted in Japan's distorted energy policy. The government and the nuclear industry do not appear to feel a sense of responsibility toward those who have lost their hometowns to the crisis," Murakami said in response to the Mainichi survey.

The government will adopt its new energy policy at the Energy and Environment Council comprised of Cabinet ministers concerned by this coming summer.

One cannot help but wonder how the prime minister will respond to these opinions voiced by communities that host nuclear power stations, as well as members of the general public.

The government's attempt to hastily reactivate nuclear reactors without clearly showing a path toward decreasing Japan's reliance on nuclear power stations runs counter to the will of the public.

("As I see it" by Taku Nishikawa, Tokyo Science and Environment News Department)
毎日新聞 2012年3月9日 1時45分(最終更新 3月9日 1時51分)

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中古車を購入するのなら信頼の トヨタ 中古車 を




その点、トヨタ 中古車なら安心して中古車の購入ができます。

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2012年3月 9日 (金)

驚異のカラコン パールエンジェル

カラーコンタクトのカラコンランド がまたまた驚きの新発売です。
カラコンランドなら自然派からデカ目まで カラコンランドですね。


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米大統領選 オバマ氏助ける共和党の混戦

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Mar. 9, 2012)
Close Republican race helps Obama's reelection chances
米大統領選 オバマ氏助ける共和党の混戦(3月8日付・読売社説)

The campaign to select the Republican Party's nominee to run in the U.S. presidential race in autumn has become a prolonged contest. This development appears to work in favor of President Barack Obama of the Democratic Party, who is aiming at reelection.

This week's Super Tuesday was the busiest day of the intraparty contest, with primaries and caucuses held in 10 states, including Ohio. Former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney, a moderate Republican, and former Pennsylvania Sen. Rick Santorum, a conservative, had a very tight race, so the struggle to choose the presidential nominee did not reach a conclusion.

The contest has become such a close fight this year mainly because the Republicans changed the formula for allocating convention delegates among contestants in accordance with the results of each state's primaries and caucuses.

Under the conventional formula, the candidate who won a primary or caucus in a state was entitled to all of that state's delegates, so that clear differences would emerge among the contenders' numerical results.

This year, until the end of March in principle, the party is using a formula that awards delegates to candidates in proportion to the number of votes they receive.

Under this formula, the differences among candidates' delegate counts tend to be smaller than under the former method, making it less easy for any one candidate to win a majority of the delegates needed to win the nomination at the party's national convention. Thus, the contest drags on.


History not repeating itself

In the presidential election four years ago, Democratic candidates Obama and Hillary Clinton, both senators at the time, fought a fiercely contested race to become their party's presidential nominee, the momentum from which apparently helped Obama win the presidential race.

The Republicans probably intended to attract media attention to an intense nomination race that would give their party a similar surge in popularity.

Yet so far the results have been the opposite of what the party hoped for.

The race has prolonged as just what the party calculated it would. But the contest seems to have descended into mudslinging, with candidates pointing out the shortcomings and weak points of their rivals, rather than waging a battle of words to compete over their respective policies. There have also been television ads in which rivals blast one another so often as to disgust voters.


Many cooks stirring the pot

Financially supporting these negative campaigns are political action committees called super PACs, which can raise unlimited amounts of money for political advertising, and whose financing actions were approved by a Supreme Court ruling in 2010.

Conservative grassroots political activists such as those in the tea party movement, who harshly criticize moderates within the Republican Party, are quite energetic. This deepens the intraparty conflict further.

As things stand now, the Republicans can hardly expect to orchestrate the type of outcome the Democrats achieved when Obama and Clinton joined hands and displayed their solidarity following the end of the presidential nomination race.

This is quite a favorable development for the Obama camp. Improvement in the jobless rate will also be a favorable wind for Obama.

Yet the U.S. economy still remains dismal. Any president, whoever it may be, will have to tackle the thorny issues of buoying up the economy and slashing the fiscal deficit.

In the presidential race, tax system reform is an important point of contention. Regarding the corporate tax rate, Obama and leading Republican candidates agree on the need to reduce it. In the United States, too, the issue of how to reinforce the international competitiveness of its business corporations is an issue of the highest priority.

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, March 8, 2012)
(2012年3月8日01時16分  読売新聞)

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2012年3月 8日 (木)

河村氏南京発言 日中の歴史認識共有は難しい

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Mar. 8, 2012)
Despite historical differences, Japan, China must boost ties
河村氏南京発言 日中の歴史認識共有は難しい(3月7日付・読売社説)

Nagoya Mayor Takashi Kawamura's remarks on the Nanjing Incident have cast a shadow over Japan-China relations.

During a courtesy call last month by a Chinese Communist Party leader from Nanjing, a sister city of Nagoya, Kawamura said, "I doubt whether what you call the Nanjing Massacre took place [in the way it has been described]."

Nanjing immediately suspended exchange programs with Nagoya in protest. The Chinese Foreign Ministry criticized the mayor's comment by saying, "Irresponsible remarks that distort historical facts deeply hurt the feelings of the Chinese people."

Cultural exchange events scheduled to begin in Nanjing on Friday under the sponsorship of the Japanese government have been postponed. The decision is believed to have been made out of consideration for the safety of performers. However, it was regrettable.

Various kinds of events are scheduled this year to mark the 40th anniversary of the normalization of bilateral relations. The two countries should deal with the current situation in a coolheaded manner to prevent the bilateral relationship from being strained further and impacting adversely on diplomatic and economic ties.


Claims vary over death toll

The Nanjing Incident occurred in December 1937 when the Imperial Japanese Army occupied Nanjing, which was China's capital at the time. Prisoners of war were executed and civilians were raped by Japanese soldiers. But there are differing views on how many Chinese died.

In 2006, Japan and China launched a joint study of historical issues from the academic standpoint, rather than the political. But discussions failed to accomplish much because of Chinese political constraints.

A report released by the joint research committee two years ago presented the views of academicians from both countries.

The Japanese side said, "Various figures, for example 20,000 and 40,000, have been presented, with a maximum number of victims put at 200,000." However, the Chinese side repeated Beijing's official view that 300,000 people were killed in Nanjing.

In clarifying his remarks, Kawamura said he had meant that no organized massacre occurred that claimed the lives of 300,000 people. We can sympathize with his remarks if he really meant that. But there is no denying he was indiscreet.


Views unlikely to change

Kawamura said he wanted to visit Nanjing to discuss the Nanjing Incident. He insisted that resolving a thorny historical issue through frank discussions between the two countries would contribute to improving bilateral friendship.

But is such a discussion possible in China today? Even if talks are held in China, where freedom of speech is not guaranteed, it is hard to imagine the Chinese supporting his view and rejecting the government's official claim that 300,000 people died.

It will be extremely difficult for the two countries to agree on historical matters. After taking this into consideration, it is necessary to work toward building a constructive bilateral relationship.

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, March 7, 2012)
(2012年3月7日01時27分  読売新聞)

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キャッシングの真髄 キャッシング比較7つの鉄則




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2012年3月 7日 (水)



私は会社から35才のときに海外要員として目をつけられて以来ずっと海外畑を歩かされました。海外のプロジェクトが一段落ついて一時帰国したものの、次のプロジェクトが見つからないときには、すぐに国内の現場に飛ばされました。困ったのが名刺 の発注です。日本語の名刺 が手元にありませんでした。当時は名刺作成 を依頼した会社に、いくら電話で催促しても2~3日はかかる時代でした。


急な名刺印刷 ならマヒトデザインがおすすめです。

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--The Asahi Shimbun, March 6
EDITORIAL: China’s lower economic growth target a wise move

China’s economy has been growing rapidly over the years, but it has created a raft of unwanted by-products as well, such as economic disparity, corruption and environmental destruction.

Now, China has finally decided to shift its policy priorities toward economic growth more focused on social stability. We welcome the move.

The annual meeting of China’s National People’s Congress began in Beijing on March 5. In his work report to parliament, Premier Wen Jiabao announced that the government has set a policy target of 7.5-percent economic growth for 2012, down from the 8-percent goal the country pursued for seven consecutive years since 2005.

Wen said the government has lowered the growth target to “achieve higher-level, higher-quality development over a longer period of time.”

China’s Hu-Wen administration, led by President Hu Jintao and Wen, is slated to pass the baton to a new leadership through a power transition to be approved at the National Congress of the Communist Party of China scheduled for autumn this year and at next year’s gathering of the National People’s Congress.

This year’s meeting of the legislature serves as the platform for the current leadership to start the final phase of its efforts to achieve policy goals.

The size of the Chinese economy has quadrupled over the 10-year period in which the country has been under the current leadership.

But the rapid economic expansion has created various problems, including a widening gap between rich and poor, real estate market bubbles and the deterioration of the environment.

The fiscal stimulus measures the government introduced to protect the economy from the effects of the global financial crisis that started in the United States in 2008 led to a wave of public works projects of dubious worth. The public spending spree has left local governments with massive bad assets.

Wen stated that Beijing will lower its target for growth in the value of total exports and imports to “around 10 percent” from more than 20 percent last year as a step to correct such distortions in the economy.

The premier also said the government will aim at economic growth driven mainly by domestic demand through policy efforts to increase people’s income and thereby stoke consumer spending. To do so, he said, the government will try to increase the nation’s per-capita income at the same pace as its economic growth rate.

All these decisions represent welcome steps to guide the economy away from the high-speed but unbalanced growth in recent years.

But the growth-oriented economic policy is not the only cause of the problems plaguing the nation.

Another contributing factor is the government’s tight control on the yuan’s exchange rates.

Although major Western countries have been urging Beijing to allow the Chinese currency to appreciate, Wen only said the government will increase “flexibility of the managed floating exchange rate system.”

A cheap yuan could make the Chinese economy even more dependent on exports for growth and increase the risk of asset bubbles by creating excessive liquidity.

Chinese leaders should not forget that their country would suffer most from the bursting of such bubbles.

Meanwhile, there is no end to stories about party seniors’ intervention in economic affairs, such as bidding for construction projects.

Wen pledged to step up efforts to crack down on such acts. But that will not be enough.

Behind this problem is the policy system that gives the Communist Party the power to make all policy decisions. It is imperative for China to reform the system.

There may be concerns that Beijing’s move to lower its growth target could have a negative impact on the economies of countries with close ties with China, including Japan.

In the long run, however, the world economy would be better served by more stable and balanced development of Chinese society.

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2012年3月 6日 (火)


(Mainichi Japan) March 5, 2012
Osaka Mayor Hashimoto's boldness and rudeness

The essence of events and their backgrounds have become increasingly indistinct, though a growing number of media outlets are showing ever-sharper images and offer more detailed commentaries on them.

This is particularly the case with the coverage of 42-year-old Osaka Mayor Toru Hashimoto. TV stations are enthusiastic about provoking belligerent Hashimoto and air images of him in a sensational way, though they have failed to explain the background behind his remarks or judge whether his assertions are appropriate.

TV broadcasters tend to focus excessively on the roles that this "monster" mayor will play in political realignment and reform of the country, apparently out of mere curiosity, but have forgotten the most basic part of the issue: that his position derives from the autonomous choice of the people of Osaka.

Last month, Hashimoto began a survey of all municipal government workers about their union and political activities. The survey asked 22 questions, including, "Did you participate in any activity to support any particular politician?" In a high-handed manner, Hashimoto ordered all Osaka city workers to fill out the questionnaires, including their names, and submit the responses to him as part of their official duties.

Naturally, his action stirred controversy. Critics have asserted the mayor's action is a violation of Article 19 of the Constitution guaranteeing freedom of thought and conscience; Article 28, providing for the right of workers to organize; and Clause 3, Article 7 of the Labor Union Act, which bans employers from controlling and interfering with unions.

The Osaka Municipal Government has suspended its analysis of the questionnaire results after the Osaka Prefectural Labor Relations Commission recommended that the survey be called off.

Discussions are now going on nationwide about whether Hashimoto is a dangerous figure. However, an opinion poll by the Asahi Shimbun national daily and the Osaka-based Asahi Broadcasting Corp. while Hashimoto was implementing his questionnaire showed that his approval rating was 70 percent among prefectural residents, and 71 percent of Osaka city residents.

"If employees (the unions) have a say in the appointment of the president (mayor), administrative reform can't be carried out," Hashimoto told reporters on Jan. 6. This is why he has confronted the city worker unions. Hashimoto was elected mayor in November last year by beating an incumbent backed by Osaka city worker unions.

Workers have the right to be protected from unfair suppression by their employers. I feel odd about Hashimoto's character, which combines boldness with rudeness. I also feel disgusted by prominent figures in various circles cozying up to the mayor.

Therefore, it is important to confirm the principle that a mayor should be evaluated by the people he or she represents. In other words, residents should be responsible for electing their mayor. There is no need for people across the country to pay close attention to Hashimoto's words and deeds and make such a fuss.

The coverage of Defense Minister Naoki Tanaka's words and deeds are another example of news organizations losing sight of the essence of a politician's actions despite repeatedly splashing their images all over TVs and front pages.

Statements Tanaka has made since he assumed the post in January have revealed his ignorance on basic defense issues, such as the Self-Defense Forces' consistency with the war-renouncing Constitution and the principles of Japan's participation in U.N. peacekeeping operations.

Moreover, he came under fire for leaving the House of Councillors Budget Committee while it was in session to have a cup of coffee, and declared in the Diet later that he was "determined not to drink coffee," astonishing the public.

There is no question that Tanaka is less than qualified to serve as defense minister at a time when North Korea's nuclear capabilities and China's military buildup pose an increasing threat to Japan. Nevertheless, he still stays in his position.

In February 1980, the defense agency chief in the Cabinet of then Prime Minister Masayoshi Ohira resigned after telling a House of Representatives Budget Committee session, "Since this is an important issue, I'll have the bureau director general (who is a bureaucrat) answer your question."

The official reason for his resignation was a scandal involving agency bureaucrats. No articles directly criticizing his absurd remark can be found in newspapers from the time. In that age, TV stations did not compete by constantly replaying politicians' gaffes and making public sport of them. Still, the prime minister had the defense agency chief step down to take responsibility for his miscue.

Ironically, a national political arena that lacks boldness -- particularly the stagnant ruling Democratic Party of Japan the largest opposition Liberal Democratic Party -- is what has given rise to the Hashimoto phenomenon.  「橋下現象」は、果断さのカケラもない現在の中央政界、とりわけ民主、自民両党の停滞から生まれた皮肉だ。

(By Takao Yamada, Expert Senior Writer)
毎日新聞 2012年3月5日 東京朝刊

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2012年3月 5日 (月)

自民新憲法原案 「緊急事態」を軸に改正論議を

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Mar. 5, 2012)
Talks on revising Constitution should focus on emergencies
自民新憲法原案 「緊急事態」を軸に改正論議を(3月4日付・読売社説)

The ruling and opposition parties should take this opportunity to resume discussion on what shape the nation should take.

The Liberal Democratic Party's Headquarters for the Promotion of Revision to the Constitution has finalized a draft of its second set of proposals for rewriting the Constitution. The draft is a revised version of proposals the LDP announced in 2005.
It will work out a definite plan in April through discussions within the party.

We strongly praise the party's proactive stance toward revision of the Constitution.

Noteworthy in the draft is a new provision concerning times of emergency that gives the prime minister the authority to declare a state of emergency in such cases as an armed attack on the country, terrorism or a massive natural disaster.

The new provision would also enable the cabinet to create ordinances that have the same force and effect as laws, and enable the prime minister to issue orders to the heads of local governments accordingly during emergencies.

This provision also is meant to prevent such extrajudicial measures from violating people's fundamental human rights without justification.

It had been pointed out as problematic that the Constitution does not contain provisions about dealing with emergencies. Most countries have such clauses in their constitutions.


Learn from March disaster

Taking into account the lesson of the Great East Japan Earthquake, the government's crisis-control capabilities must be enhanced. It is an appropriate judgment to include stipulations about states of emergency.

With regard to national security, the draft preserves the war-renouncing Article 9, while adding one sentence that states the first paragraph of Article 9 "shall not prevent Japan from invoking the right to self-defense."
Concerning the Self-Defense Forces, the draft says a military will be maintained for self-defense.

On the subject of collective self-defense, the draft appears to clarify the position that the Constitution can be interpreted to allow the nation to exercise its collective self-defense.

The government's odd interpretation of the current Constitution as saying the nation "possesses the right to collective-self-defense but cannot wield it" has long been a major hindrance to boosting the effectiveness of the Japan-U.S. alliance.

It is a matter of urgency to enable the nation to wield its right to collective self-defense, without waiting for the Constitution to be revised.

It is disappointing that the draft lacks a provision calling for a review of the two-chamber system of the House of Representatives and the House of Councillors.


Diet system causes turmoil

The presence of the "too powerful upper house," which has almost the same functions as the lower house, has prevented the passage of bills and caused disarray in the divided Diet, as seen in the frequent submissions of censure resolutions.

Under the current Constitution, bills that have passed the lower house but failed to pass the upper house need to pass the lower house a second time with at least a two-thirds majority. Paralysis of the Diet's functions must be prevented by easing the requirement, for instance, from two-thirds to a simple majority.

The draft also said the number of seats in electoral districts for both houses of the Diet shall be fixed by "considering comprehensively" not only the population but also such factors as geography and transportation infrastructure. Depending on its interpretation, it might allow further widening of gaps in the value of a vote among constituencies.

In the Diet, both houses' deliberative councils on the Constitution began discussions last autumn. The Democratic Party of Japan's research panel on the Constitution also said it would discuss the state-of-emergency stipulations and the ideal form of the two-chamber system.

There should be more than a few points of discussion on which the ruling and opposition parties can compromise. We hope they will discuss the issues vigorously.

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, March 4, 2012)
(2012年3月4日01時14分  読売新聞)

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2012年3月 4日 (日)

社説:震災1年/1爪痕と再出発 私たちは何を学んだか



(Mainichi Japan) March 3, 2012
Editorial: Lessons learned 1 year after March 2011 disasters
社説:震災1年/1爪痕と再出発 私たちは何を学んだか






Ryoichi Abe, 51, a fisherman from Ishinomaki, Miyagi Prefecture, was operating off the Ojika Peninsula when a massive tsunami generated by the Great East Japan Earthquake hit his neighborhood on March 11, 2011.

Two days after the tsunami, he returned to his home port and was shocked by the devastation wrought by the disaster. Sixteen of the 120 residents in his neighborhood died. Many of his fellow fishermen lost their fishing boats and equipment.

It was volunteers from urban areas who encouraged Abe and other fishermen who had lost enthusiasm about fishing to resume their business. The volunteers carefully unraveled ropes and nets that had become tangled in fishing devices, and recovered usable equipment. Abe and other fishermen joined the volunteers in their work. In the summer, the fishermen were able to resume oyster farming.

"We got to this point thanks to the volunteers. They have incredible power. I'll never forget what they did for us," Abe says.

He says he and his fellow fishermen will be able to ship the oysters in autumn this year if things go smoothly.

Close bonds between disaster survivors who are trying hard to move toward recovery and those who are lending a helping hand can be observed throughout disaster-ravaged areas.

We would like to take this opportunity as we approach the first anniversary of the Great East Japan Earthquake and tsunami to think about what we have lost -- and learned -- from the disasters.

The losses are enormous: the lives of some 20,000 people, the assets and the peace of hundreds of thousands of people and numerous jobs. Residents of areas heavily affected by the ongoing crisis at the tsunami-hit Fukushima No. 1 Nuclear Power Plant have also been deprived of the freedom to live in their hometowns.

Yet amid such hardships, Japanese people have shown to the world that they have a strong will to restore their livelihoods. Close bonds and solidarity between victims and those who have shown willingness to share their pain have shone through the disaster.

We would like to cite two things we have learned from the March 2011 quake, tsunami and ensuing nuclear crisis.

One of them is the importance of politics. The government's response to the disasters has demonstrated that politics has not functioned properly and has been in chaos since March 11, 2011.

Even though the government set up several task forces to handle disaster countermeasures, its system of political leadership -- having politicians being responsible for decisions on policy while bureaucrats put their expertise to work to implement these measures -- has failed to function as far as the government's response to the disasters is concerned.

与野党が一致協力して短期集中的に問題解決を図る、という政治のダイナミズムが発揮されることもなかった。与党内の足並みの乱れが政局の混乱を加速させた。 このため、政治にしか解決できない問題の処理が軒並み遅れた。The ruling and opposition parties have also failed to cooperate closely to solve problems with speed and focus. On the contrary, a conflict within the ruling bloc has contributed to confusion in the political situation, and delayed solutions to problems that require political-level decisions.

The 4 trillion yen initial supplementary budget for fiscal 2011 -- designed to finance disaster recovery efforts -- did not become law until May 2, 2011. Furthermore, the government's compilation of the principles for disaster recovery, which provide direction during the recovery period and cover the scale and length of recovery measures, the financial resources required and the designation of special restoration zones, did not come until July 29 -- 4 1/2 months after the disasters.

The government finally set up the Reconstruction Agency on Feb. 10 -- 11 months after the Great East Japan Earthquake. This is in stark contrast to the establishment of a similar body only four weeks after the 1923 Great Kanto Earthquake that devastated Tokyo and its environs.

Enhancing political ability to solve problems is important as a means to protect ourselves from future disasters and indispensable when the government tackles other outstanding issues.

Our second lesson is the inevitability of a fundamental review of Japan's energy policy -- including nuclear power. We were overconfident of the safety of nuclear power plants. The ongoing crisis at the Fukushima No. 1 Nuclear Power Plant has raised such questions as how to decrease Japan's reliance on nuclear power plants, how to secure substitute energy sources and how to solve problems involving radioactive waste. Even though these are extremely difficult questions, Japan can make an important contribution to global society by solving them and setting an example through reduced reliance on nuclear energy.

We would like to make good use of the lessons learned from the disasters in the future. To that end, we would like to make specific proposals in this series, "One year after March 11, 2011."

毎日新聞 2012年3月3日 2時30分

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2012年3月 3日 (土)

米朝核合意 ウラン濃縮停止を見極めたい

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Mar. 3, 2012)
Suspension of uranium enrichment by N. Korea must be confirmed
米朝核合意 ウラン濃縮停止を見極めたい(3月2日付・読売社説)

Will the latest agreement really bring about a suspension of North Korea's nuclear weapons development program? The important thing is to see that country steadily carry out actions that were agreed upon.

The United States and North Korea have announced they agreed during last week's bilateral talks that North Korea will temporarily halt its nuclear program, including uranium enrichment, while the United States will extend 240,000 tons of food assistance to North Korea.

It took about a week until Wednesday's announcement because it is believed to have been necessary to check the contents of the agreement and coordinate among countries concerned.


Limited, but important, progress

According to the U.S. government, North Korea will stop nuclear and related activities in Yongbyon, including nuclear tests, uranium enrichment and the launching of long-range missiles. North Korea also agreed to accept verification and confirmation by the International Atomic Energy Agency of the halt of its nuclear activities.

Three years ago North Korea ejected IAEA inspectors from Yongbyon and carried out a second nuclear test. Declaring it would use all the plutonium it possesses for weapons and start uranium enrichment, it has been continuing its nuclear program.

If the situation is left untouched, it will only be a matter of time until North Korea deploys nuclear missiles. Considering the danger, the agreement this time is "important, if limited, progress," as the U.S. government put it.

The problem is whether North Korea will surely halt its uranium enrichment program. Past events have shown the country has scrapped international agreements a number of times. The United States must seriously discuss with North Korea the procedures for implementing the agreement so as not to allow loopholes for the reclusive country.

Food assistance from the United States will be mainly nutritional assistance to infants and small children as well as pregnant women, including dietary supplements. The U.S. government has left open the prospect of additional assistance depending on necessity.

We think North Korea will perform concrete steps such as suspending uranium enrichment and accepting the IAEA's verification team, while closely watching the progress of the food assistance.


When will actual halt take place?

According to the original plan, the United States will provide 20,000 tons of food per month over a 12-month period. Will North Korea actually take steps toward stopping uranium enrichment when the first shipment of food aid arrives or after a considerable amount arrives? It is important to clarify this point before actual shipments begin.

Even if the agreement is implemented as stated, it is still dangerous to heave a premature sigh of relief.

Concerning suspension of uranium enrichment, the agreement targets only the Yongbyon facility that was previously opened to U.S. nuclear experts. Basically, the agreement is merely a partial "suspension" of North Korea's entire nuclear development activities. Therefore, the possibility remains that North Korea will continue uranium enrichment at secret nuclear facilities elsewhere.

Since the death of longtime leader Kim Jong Il, North Korea has been hurriedly trying to consolidate the regime that succeeded him, with his young son Kim Jong Un at the center of the country's administration.

The more vulnerable the regime feels, the more it will stick to its nuclear program and missiles, dubbed the "heritage of revolution," and will never give up them.

The fundamental threat of North Korea has not been lessened. We must stay alert.

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, March 2, 2012)
(2012年3月2日01時16分  読売新聞)

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2012年3月 2日 (金)


--The Asahi Shimbun, Feb. 29
EDITORIAL: Elpida’s bankruptcy is a warning against easy government bailouts

Elpida Memory Inc., the world’s No. 3 maker of dynamic random-access memory (DRAM) chips used to store data in personal computers and other devices, has filed for bankruptcy protection under the Corporate Rehabilitation Law.

Elpida’s collapse under the weight of 448 billion yen ($5.6 billion) in liabilities represents the largest-ever corporate bankruptcy in Japan’s manufacturing sector.

Elpida is Japan’s sole remaining maker of DRAMs, created by integrating the DRAM manufacturing operations of NEC Corp., Hitachi Ltd. and Mitsubishi Electric Corp.

Elpida received an injection of 30 billion yen in capital from the government-owned Development Bank of Japan in 2009 following the global economic downturn triggered by the fall 2008 collapse of U.S. investment bank Lehman Brothers. The unusual bailout committed the government to absorb losses incurred by the company.

Elpida’s downfall was caused by a confluence of factors, including the heavy blow delivered to its bottom line by the yen’s sharp appreciation and a slump in global personal computer sales due partly to the sovereign debt crisis in Europe.

The fundamental cause of Elpida’s predicament, however, concerned structural challenges posed by competition from South Korean and Taiwanese rivals, led by Samsung Electronics Co., which have expanded their shares in the global DRAM market in recent years.

In the 1980s, Japanese makers controlled 70 percent of the world DRAM market.

But the competitive landscape changed dramatically while Japanese chip makers were hamstrung by the export restrictions imposed on them as a result of a semiconductor trade dispute between Japan and the United States.

Attaining leadership in the DRAM market requires continuing massive investments in technology and equipment.

South Korea’s Samsung has various other businesses that support its great financial strength. Elpida, which is dedicated to the DRAM business, apparently fought against hopeless odds when it challenged Samsung’s market leadership.

Of the 30 billion yen of taxpayer money injected into Elpida, up to 28 billion yen may prove to be unrecoverable, according to the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry.

For all its importance, the DRAM industry, unlike the financial and energy sectors, is not part of the social infrastructure that supports people’s everyday lives.

A direct injection of public funds into an ordinary private-sector company is regarded as unacceptable, except in very special cases.

The industry ministry should engage in serious soul-searching about its misguided and failed efforts to save Elpida, which also set the stage for an insider trading scandal that led to the indictment of a senior official at the ministry.

What is troubling is the fact that there are other cases of potentially excessive government involvement in private-sector business affairs.

In the liquid-crystal display industry, which, like the semiconductor industry, is facing a harsh business environment, Toshiba Corp., Sony Corp. and Hitachi have agreed to set up a new company to integrate their operations to manufacture small- and medium-sized LCDs.

The deal was struck under the leadership of the Innovation Network Corp. of Japan (INCJ), a government-backed investment fund set up to promote innovations. Most of the entity’s capital has been provided by the government, with the rest coming from private-sector companies.

The INCJ will acquire a 70-percent stake in the new LCD company by purchasing 200 billion yen worth of its shares.

While the market for small- and medium-sized LCDs is expected to grow, fierce price competition in the market means quick and flexible decision-making is essential for success. Will the government-led consolidation work?

During the era when Japan was pursuing a clear goal of catching up with Western industrial nations, the government was able to provide effective leadership for the growth of Japanese industries. But that era is long gone.

Now, the private sector should be left to tackle the challenge of creating and nurturing new growth industries by using its own intellectual and other resources.

The government’s role should be limited to supporting private-sector initiatives by improving the environment for corporate activities.

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2012年3月 1日 (木)

srachai family photo current 10





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    社説:エルピーダ破綻 民間の知恵で再建を



    (Mainichi Japan) February 29, 2012
    Fully utilize private-sector wisdom to bail out failed Elpida Memory Inc.
    社説:エルピーダ破綻 民間の知恵で再建を

    Private-sector wisdom should be fully utilized to bail out the failed semiconductor manufacturer Elpida Memory Inc., which has gone under and applied for bankruptcy protection under the Corporate Rehabilitation Law.

    Elpida, which is the world's third largest manufacturer of semiconductors for memory, fell into a financial crisis following a sharp plunge in the market prices of such products and the yen's steep appreciation. It attempted to rehabilitate itself through a capital alliance with another company, but gave up after failing to raise sufficient operating funds. Its liabilities total 448 billion yen, the largest amount ever incurred by a failed manufacturer.

    Japan had once been dominant in the international semiconductor market, and it became a focus of attention in Japan-U.S. trade friction. In the 1990s, however, manufacturers in South Korea and other emerging economies went on the offensive, causing Japanese manufacturers' market share to decline constantly. Many Japanese manufacturers were forced to merge their semiconductor divisions, and the business of semiconductors for memory was integrated into Elpida.

    Fierce competition for investment in such semiconductor businesses continued. Whenever there was an excess of supply, the market prices of such products plummeted, threatening Elpida's business activity.

    Following the collapse of the Lehman Brothers in 2008, Elpida became the first company to receive an infusion of public funds to rehabilitate itself under the Law on Special Measures for Industrial Revitalization.

    However, its business performance worsened rapidly due to a sharp plunge in market prices and the steep appreciation of the yen, and the period of its rehabilitation under the special measures law is due to end at the end of March.

    Elpida sought to delay the deadline for repaying the public funds and obtain loans from private financial institutions to repay the taxpayers' money it had borrowed under the law. However, its negotiations on fundamentally rehabilitating itself, which is a prerequisite for such measures, did not proceed smoothly.

    Efforts to rehabilitate Elpida under the special measures law, which were led by the Economy, Trade and Industry Ministry, have come to a deadlock. The government must take it seriously that the failure of Elpida could cost taxpayers a total of 28 billion yen.

    The government led the rehabilitation of Elpida on the grounds that the semiconductors for memory sector is an industry indispensable for Japan. However, decisions on what industries are necessary for Japan should be left to the discretion of the private sector that invests funds in various businesses.

    New products, such as smartphones and tablet computers, will continue to hit the market. Those in the private sector are urged to discuss how to ensure that Japanese businesses retain their ability to develop semiconductors for memory that are suitable for such new products and that Japanese companies can utilize them.

    Elpida will aim to rehabilitate itself after its debt workout is completed. However, the failure of the company is expected to contribute to a realignment of the semiconductors for memory industry on a global scale.

    It is possible that an overseas manufacturer will place Elpida under its umbrella. However, South Korean manufacturers that have continued making massive amounts of investments are enjoying an overwhelming share on the global market. We should keep in mind that South Korean manufacturers may become the only suppliers of such semiconductors.

    It is necessary to prevent fair competition from being restrained in realigning the industry.

    毎日新聞 2012年2月29日 2時35分

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