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2012年7月 4日 (水)

民主党分裂 限界に達した政権の内部矛盾

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Jul. 4, 2012)
DPJ's inconsistencies end with departure of Ozawa bloc
民主党分裂 限界に達した政権の内部矛盾(7月3日付・読売社説)

The Democratic Party of Japan has split.
 民主党が分裂した。

While calling for complete solidarity on the surface, the ruling party has consistently faced internal problems. We can say the party's internal contradictions have ended with a bang.
 表向きは「一致団結」を唱えながら、常に内紛を繰り返してきた政権党の内部矛盾が、ついに限界に達したと言える。

Former DPJ President Ichiro Ozawa and 49 others from both houses of the Diet submitted letters of resignation to the party's executive branch. They are expected to launch a new party sometime this week at the earliest.
 小沢一郎元代表ら衆参両院議員50人が離党届を党執行部に提出した。週内にも新党を結成する。

The 50 members comprise 38 from the House of Representatives and 12 from the House of Councillors. In the lower house, the group will become the third largest force as the number exceeds that of New Komeito. Ozawa is reportedly considering the creation of a united parliamentary group with other parties including Kizuna Party, which was formed by lawmakers who left the DPJ in December last year.
 50人の内訳は衆院38人、参院12人だ。衆院では、公明党を抜き第3党となる。昨年末に民主党を離党した「新党きづな」などとの統一会派の結成も検討している。

As Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda's administration will barely hold onto its majority in the lower house, its steering of Diet business must become more unstable and severe. Among remaining party members, some might quit depending on the situation.
 野田政権は、衆院の過半数は辛うじて維持するが、より不安定で厳しい国会運営を迫られる。党内には、なお離党予備軍も残る。

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Stronger ties with opposition

However, with the departure of hard-line rebel lawmakers, the sense of unity in the DPJ may grow. This might make policy decisions smoother.
 反面、党内に、多数の強硬な反対勢力を抱えていた時よりも、党の一体感が高まり、政策決定が円滑に進む可能性もある。

Concerning bills on the integrated reform of the social security and tax systems, Noda emphasized afresh, "I'll fulfill my responsibility by surely passing them into law."
 野田首相は、社会保障・税一体改革関連法案について、「必ず成立させることで、責任を果たす」と改めて強調した。

From now on, the DPJ needs to cooperate much more with the Liberal Democratic Party and Komeito to ensure early passage of the reform bills and lower house electoral system reform.
 今後は、自民、公明両党との連携を従来以上に大切にして、関連法案の早期成立や衆院選挙制度改革などに取り組む必要がある。

In regard to the new party he is likely to launch, Ozawa said, "We'll return to our starting point of regime change and offer a political system in which the people will have a choice." He likely will stress his "anti-consumption tax hike" slogan and try to tie up with regional political parties. However, there are no prospects he will be successful.
 小沢氏は、自らの新党について「政権交代の原点に立ち返り、国民が選択できる政治を構築する」と語った。「反消費増税」を掲げ、地域政党との協力を模索する構えだが、展望は開けていない。

In various opinion polls, respondents overwhelmingly said they "don't expect much from a new party envisaged by Ozawa." Osaka Ishin no Kai (Osaka restoration group) and Tokyo Gov. Shintaro Ishihara also say they will not cooperate with Ozawa's new party.
 世論調査では、小沢新党に「期待しない」との回答が圧倒的に多い。大阪維新の会や石原慎太郎東京都知事は、連携を否定する。

About two-thirds of the 50 members who quit the DPJ have been elected only once--they are generally called "Ozawa kids" and have weak electoral power bases.
 50人の約3分の2が当選1回の衆参両院議員で、選挙基盤の弱い「小沢チルドレン」が主体だ。

They were forced to resign after losing out in an intraparty policy conflict, but they seem to believe they can survive in a new party when the next elections are held for the lower and upper houses.
党内の路線闘争に敗れ、追い込まれた末の離党である。新党で次期国政選に臨む方が生き残れるのではないか、という計算もあろう。

The DPJ split reveals the risk of a ruling party acting as "mutual aid society for elections" after gathering non-LDP forces without first unifying philosophies and policies.
 今回の党分裂は、理念や政策を一致させないまま、非自民勢力を結集した「選挙互助会」的な政権党の危うさも露呈した。

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Pros and cons of having Ozawa

The DPJ merged with the Liberal Party led by Ozawa in September 2003 in preparation for a lower house election, without holding talks on coordinating policies.
 民主党は2003年9月、次期衆院選に備え、政策協議も行わず、小沢氏率いる自由党と合併した。

Later, Ozawa rebuilt relations with labor unions and regional organizations to ensure victory in upcoming elections. It is true he played an important role in the party taking over the reins of government in 2009.
その後、小沢氏が選挙対策として労働組合や地方組織との関係を立て直し、09年の政権交代に大きな役割を果たしたのは確かだ。

However, the party had to deal with lawmakers Ozawa gathered around him.
 だが、小沢グループという「派閥」を抱えた代償も大きかった。

Ozawa's signature political maneuver--acting arbitrarily without consultation--has never changed, creating a pointless confrontation between "pro-Ozawa" and "anti-Ozawa" forces within the party.
小沢氏特有の独断専行的な政治手法は以前と変わらず、民主党内に「親小沢」対「反小沢」という不毛な対立軸が生まれた。

It should not be forgotten that the party's manifesto for the 2009 lower house election created under Ozawa's initiative lacked revenue sources and this "negative legacy" has been the cause of constant criticism in recent years.
 小沢氏主導の政権公約が、財源の裏付けがなく、最近は批判を招くだけの「負の遺産」となっていたことも忘れてはなるまい。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 3, 2012)
(2012年7月3日01時29分  読売新聞)

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