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2014年6月 6日 (金)

自衛隊の支援―戦闘と紙一重の危うさ

June 05, 2014
EDITORIAL: Move to expand SDF role in U.N. missions raises fresh concerns
自衛隊の支援―戦闘と紙一重の危うさ

The Abe administration has made a radical and worrisome new proposal concerning the scope of the Self-Defense Forces’ support to U.N.-authorized military operations by multinational forces.
The proposal, presented June 3 in talks between the ruling Liberal Democratic Party and its junior coalition partner, New Komeito, would drastically change the government’s traditional policy concerning the issue.
The envisioned new rules regulating the SDF’s cooperation with military operations sanctioned by a U.N. resolution would scrap the geographical restriction on the SDF’s activities based on the concept of “noncombat zone.” This concept was introduced in 2004 for the deployment of SDF troops to Iraq to support recovery efforts following the U.S.-led war.
 国連決議に基づく多国籍軍の活動を、自衛隊がどこまで支援するのか。
 安倍政権が、これまでの政府の姿勢を大きく転換させる新たな案を自民、公明の与党協議会に示した。

Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has proposed to make it possible for the SDF to provide medical and logistics support to foreign troops operating in combat zones. For instance, the SDF would be able to provide water, fuel and transportation to foreign troops and treat injured soldiers, according to the administration’s plan.
 イラクの復興支援の際にとられた「非戦闘地域」という線引きはやめ、「戦闘地域」であっても水や燃料の補給、他国の兵の輸送、負傷者の治療といった後方支援をするという。

Such SDF activities would concern “collective security” under the U.N. framework, which is a different notion from Japan’s right to collective self-defense.
 集団的自衛権とは異なる国連の「集団安全保障」にかかわる活動だ。

There is perhaps room for debate on Japan’s international cooperation in such situations. But Abe’s proposal is too radical a departure from the government’s traditional position and would decisively change the SDF’s role.
国際協力について議論する余地はあろう。とはいえ、従来とはあまりにかけ離れた提案であり、自衛隊の役割が決定的に変わることになる。

The administration says it will maintain the position that Article 9 of the Constitution bans the SDF from providing any support that is integrated with the exercise of force by other countries.
 政府は、他国による武力行使と一体化するような支援は憲法9条によって禁じられているとの考えは維持。

Four criteria would be introduced to define this situation. They include that the recipient of the SDF’s support is currently involved in a state of hostilities and that the items the SDF provides are used directly in the battle. However, the SDF’s support would be considered as integrated with the use of force by other countries only when the situation fits all four criteria, according to the administration’s proposal. The SDF would be allowed to provide support if any of the four criteria are not fulfilled.
そのうえで「一体化」にあたるのは▽支援先が戦闘中▽提供する物品が戦闘に直接使われるなど、四つの条件をすべて満たした場合に限った。ひとつでも欠ければ支援できるようにするという。

Even under the new rules, the SDF would not be able to provide ammunition directly to foreign forces in action. But the SDF would be allowed to provide most other forms of support to foreign troops even in combat areas.
 これに従えば、戦闘中の他国軍に弾薬を直接補給することはできないものの、そのほかは戦闘地域であってもたいていの支援ができるようになる。

From the viewpoint of the enemy forces, the rule that the SDF can only provide rear-area support that is not integrated with the exercise of force by other countries would be simply meaningless.
 ただし、敵軍にしてみれば、武力行使と一体化しない後方支援という線引きに意味はない。

As the scope of SDF operations would be expanded to areas that are very close to the front lines of battle, the probability of SDF personnel getting involved in combat would increase markedly.
自衛隊の活動範囲が前線に限りなく近づくことで、自衛隊員が戦闘に巻き込まれる可能性は格段に高くなる。

Critics of the restriction on SDF operations based on the concept of “integration” argue this idea, adopted only by Japan, has imposed unreasonable restraints on the SDF’s activities overseas.
 一体化論に対しては、「日本にしかない概念で、自衛隊の活動をいたずらに制約してきた」との批判がある。

As long as the Japanese Constitution includes Article 9 as it is, however, there should inevitably be certain restraints on the SDF’s activities.
だが、私たちが9条をもつ以上、自衛隊の活動に一定の制約が生じるのはあたりまえだ。

The government’s proposal would narrow down to extremes the scope of the concept of backup logistic support integrated with the use of force by other countries. It could effectively hollow out the war-renouncing Article 9.
 政府の案は、一体化の範囲を極限まで狭めるものだ。このままでは、9条の意味が失われかねない。

Another disturbing possibility is that Japan could be pressured by the United States into supporting its military operations in conflicts such as its war with Iraq, which was launched by the Bush administration without any clear sanction by the United Nations.
 さらに心配なのは、明確な国連決議がないままブッシュ政権が突き進んだイラク戦争のような紛争にまで、米国の求めるままに支援を強いられないかという点だ。

Given all these concerns, it is not surprising that New Komeito was taken aback by the sudden proposal by the Abe administration and expressed skepticism.
 これらを考えあわせれば、突然の提案に公明党が驚き、難色を示したのは当然だ。

The proposal needs to be debated in a cautious manner.
慎重に議論を進める必要がある。

In a news conference in May, Abe stressed that the protection of people’s lives and security remain the focus of his administration’s discussions over key security policy issues.
 安倍首相は先月の記者会見で、一連の安全保障政策の検討では「私たちの命と平和な暮らしを守る」と強調した。

But the series of proposals his government has put forward, including the expansion of the scope of SDF operations to eliminate mines in the Persian Gulf and to widen support to multilateral forces, appears to be only drifting away from the guiding principle.
 ペルシャ湾での機雷除去や多国籍軍への支援拡大。次々と繰り出される政府の提案は、そこからかけ離れていくばかりではないか。

--The Asahi Shimbun, June 5

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