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2014年11月25日 (火)

社説:安倍政治を問う 集団的自衛権

November 24, 2014(Mainichi Japan)
Editorial: General election debate should focus on collective self-defense
社説:安倍政治を問う 集団的自衛権

 ◇真正面から論戦深めよ

During its just two years in power, the government of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has implemented a cascade of security policies that steer Japan away from its long-held postwar path. What's common to all these policy measures is the foregone conclusions that Japan needs to strengthen its alliance with the United States to counter the threat posed by China. Also, these policies were all implemented with a shocking lack of deep discussion.
 安倍政権は政権発足から2年間、戦後日本の針路を転換するような安全保障政策を次々と実行に移してきた。共通するのは、中国の脅威に対抗するため日米同盟を強化するという結論ありきで、議論が極めて不十分だったことだ。

The shift that epitomizes this is the July Cabinet decision to change the government's interpretation of war-renouncing Article 9 of the Constitution to allow Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense.
その典型が集団的自衛権の行使を容認するため憲法9条の解釈を変更した7月の閣議決定といえる。

Abe has tried to set the "Abenomics" economic policy mix and the postponement of the consumption tax hike as the biggest points of contention in the House of Representatives election. The prime minister must, however, provide an explanation and answer questions about collective self-defense and other security policies.
 安倍晋三首相は、衆院選の最大の争点を消費増税の先送りとアベノミクスの継続の是非と位置づけているが、集団的自衛権をはじめとする安全保障政策についても国民に説明し、数々の疑問に答える責任がある。

 ◇中国をけん制する狙い

In the last lower house election in 2012, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) rapped the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ)-led administration for "diplomatic defeats." The LDP surged to power by pledging to "steadfastly defend Japan's sovereignty as well as its territory on land and sea." The public's sense of crisis and growing nationalism amid rising tensions between Japan and China over the Senkaku Islands in Okinawa Prefecture helped bring about the second Abe administration.
 安倍自民党は2012年の前回衆院選で、民主党政権を「外交敗北」と批判し、「主権と領土・領海を断固として守る」と訴えて政権再交代を果たした。沖縄県・尖閣諸島をめぐり日中の緊張が高まったことへの国民の危機感とナショナリズムが安倍政権の誕生を後押ししたのだ。

Why is there the need to permit Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense? The prime minister -- eyes apparently fixed on China -- says it is aimed at "protecting the public's lives and peaceful living" and that it boosts deterrence and reduces the risk of Japan getting involved in war.
 なぜ集団的自衛権の行使を認める必要があるのか。首相は目的を「国民の命と平和な暮らしを守るため」と語り、行使容認で「抑止力が強化され、日本が戦争に巻き込まれる恐れがいっそうなくなる」という。

In the face of China's military buildup and maritime advancements, the U.S. is not as reliable as it once was, burdened as it is by a prolonged "war on terror" and severe fiscal circumstances. There is no guarantee that the U.S. would intervene militarily in the event of an armed clash between Japan and China over the Senkaku Islands. Prime Minister Abe apparently believes that it is necessary to further promote military integration between Japan and the U.S. by paving the way for Japan to invoke collective self-defense to get the U.S. involved in the event of an emergency.
 首相の視線の先にあるのは、ここでもやはり中国の存在のようだ。
 中国の軍備拡張や海洋進出に対し、肝心の米国は対テロ戦争の疲れや財政事情から昔ほど頼りにならない。将来、尖閣諸島をめぐって日中の軍事衝突が起きた場合、米国が軍事介入する保証はない。いざという時に米国を巻き込めるようにするには、集団的自衛権の行使を容認して、日米の軍事一体化をいっそう進めておく必要がある−−。こんな首相の認識が背景にあるのではないか。

In addition to the right to collective self-defense, the Abe government introduced the special state secrets protection law, eased Japan's long-held Three Principles on Arms Exports, and is poised to review the country's outline for Official Development Assistance to developing nations to authorize aid to foreign militaries for non-military purposes. The secrecy law imposes severe punishments on public servants who leak information designated secret, while the relaxation of the Three Principles allows arms exports if they are deemed to contribute to Japan's security.
 集団的自衛権だけではない。
 安全保障に関する秘密情報を漏らした公務員らに厳罰を科す特定秘密保護法の制定。安全保障に役立つと判断すれば武器輸出が可能になる武器輸出三原則緩和。非軍事的目的なら他国軍への援助を認める政府開発援助(ODA)大綱改定への動き。

All these moves are aimed at bolstering the Japan-U.S. alliance to keep China in check, and at strengthening cooperation with Australia and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations.
 いずれも中国けん制を意識した日米同盟の強化や、豪州、東南アジア諸国連合(ASEAN)との連携強化の狙いがある。

There is no doubt that China's acts of provocation are causing concern for the international community, raising the need to reinforce international alliances.
 中国の挑発的行動が国際社会の懸念材料になっていることは間違いない。同盟強化は必要だ。

However, it is doubtful whether the right to collective self-defense and the secrecy law are the proper methods to deal with the situation.
だが、その方法が集団的自衛権や特定秘密保護法の制定なのかは疑問がある。

The prime minister has only repeated the "protecting the public lives and livelihood" catchphrase while providing little logical explanation of the connection between the means and the goal.
首相は「命と暮らしを守る」と言うばかりで、その間をつなぐ論理的説明をほとんどしてこなかった。

Furthermore, there are no clear brakes on Japan's exercise of the right to collective self-defense.
 歯止めもあいまいだ。

The Cabinet decision on collective self-defense states that Japan is to be allowed to use the right to the minimum necessary level in the case of a clear threat to the fundamental rights of Japanese citizens.
集団的自衛権の行使を認めた閣議決定は、国民の権利などが「根底から覆される明白な危険がある場合」に、必要最小限度の集団的自衛権の行使を認めるとしている。

What constitutes a "clear threat," however, remains ambiguous.
ところが、どういう場合が「明白な危険」にあたるのか、範囲がはっきりしない。

While the prime minister has stated that minesweeping operations in the Strait of Hormuz in the Middle East will also be subject to the right to collective self-defense, the LDP's coalition partner Komeito remains cautious and wants to limit collective defense operations to areas surrounding Japan.
 首相は中東・ホルムズ海峡の機雷掃海も集団的自衛権の行使対象になるというが、日本周辺の有事に限定したい公明党は慎重で、解釈に隔たりがある。

The gap in the ruling parties' interpretation of the law means that it can be interpreted arbitrarily.
それだけ恣意(しい)的解釈が可能だということだ。

 ◇身勝手な争点の設定

Diet deliberations on bills related to the collective self-defense right are scheduled for next spring.
 来春には集団的自衛権の行使容認を具体化する関連法整備が国会で予定されている。

Not only the DPJ and other opposition forces but also Komeito are urged to use the current election campaign to thoroughly discuss the issue to limit the scope of the right to collective self-defense.
衆院選で民主党など野党はもちろんだが、公明党も集団的自衛権の行使容認の対象を詰め、歯止めをかける論争をしてほしい。

Particularly as Komeito declared at the time of the July Cabinet decision that it had succeeded in limiting the scope of the exercise of collective self-defense, the party must clarify exactly what those limits or checks are.
 公明党は閣議決定の際に「歯止めがかかった」と言っているのだから、現実にどう歯止めがかかるのか国民に明らかにする責任がある。

Adopting such a major policy shift through a Cabinet decision is also highly problematic.
 閣議決定という手法も大いに問題がある。

Successive cabinets had upheld the government's constitutional interpretation -- that the exercise of the right to collective self-defense is "not tolerated under the Constitution" -- for over 40 years.
歴代内閣は過去40年以上、集団的自衛権の行使は「憲法上許されない」との憲法解釈を積み上げてきた。

That long history was overturned by a mere decision of Cabinet. This runs counter to the spirit of constitutionalism, wherein the Constitution exists to protect the public from excesses of state power.
それを安倍内閣は一内閣の判断だけで、結論を「憲法上許容される」へ逆転させる解釈改憲を閣議で決めた。このことは、憲法は国民が国家権力を制限するためにあるという立憲主義の精神にもとる。

The prime minister's dissolution of the lower house for a general election appears to be aimed at prolonging his rein, stabilizing his political foundation ahead of moves to amend the Constitution.
 衆院解散・総選挙に踏み切った首相には、長期政権を確かにし、安定した政治基盤のもとで憲法改正に取り組みたい狙いがあるとみられる。

If that is the case, he should take up the challenge of a vigorous debate on collective self-defense during the election campaign.
 そうであれば首相は衆院選で、集団的自衛権の行使容認の閣議決定について論戦を受けて立つべきだ。

Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga has declared that it is the Abe administration's prerogative to decide the issues of contention in the general election, adding that the right to collective self-defense is not such a major policy change that the government needs a new mandate from the public.
 菅義偉官房長官は先日、衆院選の争点について「何を問うかは政権が決める」と述べ、集団的自衛権は国民に信を問うほど重大な政策変更ではないと語った。

The government must be called arrogant for its claim that it and it alone has the right to set election issues.
政権が一方的に争点の設定をできるかのような論理は、不遜だと言わざるを得ない。

In February, Abe caused a stir after stating that he was ultimately responsible for the government's change of constitutional interpretation and that he would seek the verdict of the public through an election.
 首相自身は今年2月、憲法解釈の変更をめぐって「最高の責任者は私だ。選挙で国民から審判を受ける」と述べている。

Having said that, there is no way he can escape from that verdict -- especially by pretending the issue does not exist.
そこまで言った以上、逃げるわけにはいくまい。

If the government is to alter its interpretation of the Constitution in a way that affects the fundamental principle of Article 9, it should take the formal step of a constitutional amendment instead of constitutional reinterpretation.
 憲法9条の根幹に関わる変更は、解釈改憲でなく憲法改正の手続きを経るべきだ。

The government should never tell us that any policy is not up for serious debate in a general election, and then claim a mandate for that policy by winning that very election. It simply does not make sense.
衆院選で真正面から論戦を深めないまま、選挙に勝ちさえすればお墨付きを得られるという姿勢を取るべきではない。

毎日新聞 2014年11月24日 02時30分

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